Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / Great Britain has adopted two definitive yet different political goals in Africa, each of which has been controlled in large part by the internal situation of the territories. In West Africa, colonial policy has granted power of decision to African political leadership, while in Central Africa, political authority has been given in large measure to the local European minority. Contrasted to these two major decisions, Britain has not adopted specific definitive policy goals for Kenya. The general goal of self-government is too vague to be meaningful to the different members of its disparate multi-racial population. The immediate question is "self-government for whom?" To what racial or ethnic group does the 'self' refer? In West Africa it certainly meant Africans and in Central Africa it has meant Europeans. What accounts for the unwillingness of Britain to define specific and immediate policies in Kenya? It is believed that an answer to this problem through analysis of the internal political and social situation will reveal not only the distinct problems that Kenya poses for policy, but will suggest that the present policy of traditional empiricism may not be able to meet the critical problems of this territory. [TRUNCATED]

This thesis explores technologies of power that operate in British Columbia’s policy for consultation with Indigenous peoples about proposed land and resource decisions. I use the concept of settler colonialism to analyze the contents of British Columbia’s consultation and accommodation policy to assess whether and how the policy is oriented toward settler-colonial relationships. I analyze a British Columbia provincial policy document entitled Updated Procedures for Meeting Legal Obligations When Consulting First Nations Interim. By focusing on this policy document, I examine how power operates through settler state law and policy. I critically analyze three technologies of power that operate in British Columbia’s consultation and accommodation policy: the administrative law principle of procedural fairness, recognition politics, and the assumption of legitimate settler sovereignty. I consider how the policy’s focus on process reveals colonial power dynamics. Furthermore, I argue that recognition politics operate in the policy because Indigenous difference is recognized and some space is made for Indigenous actors to exercise authority, however the settler state retains final decision- making authority, which shows a colonial hierarchy of power. Finally, I consider how the assumption of legitimate settler state sovereignty that underlies B.C.’s law and policy is a source of authority through which the settler state has various types of power under the policy, including definitional power and final decision-making power. / Graduate

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 1. PROBLEM OF THE DISSERTATION The problem of the dissertation is to define, analyze, and evaluate the social response of Christianity to slave trade, forced labor, and nationalism in Angola. Foremost to the problem of the dissertation are two questions: First, "What were the factors which influenced the response of Christianity to the selected issues?" And second, "Were the responses of Christianity to the selected issues unequivocal?" 2. METHOD OF THE DISSERTATION The principal method of this study is historical-sociological. The historical aspect is concerned with time, place, and events; the sociological describes the social behavior of institutions and peoples. The dissertation will also be a critical examination of the norms inherent in the missionary enterprise. The sources are in Portuguese and in English. 3. CONCLUSIONS i. Responses of Christianity The responses of Christianity to the selected issues were characterized by policies of co-operation, acceptance, avoidance, and opposition. The response of Catholicism to slave labor and forced labor was similar, acceptance which eventually led to a policy of co-operation with the state, slave traders, and labor recruiters. As the Protestant movement in Angola was founded after the heyday of the slave trade, its response could not be measured. On forced labor, Protestantism's response was one of qualified acceptance, respecting the political rights of the Portuguese to govern its overseas territories. Prior to the March 1961 revolt, the policy of both Catholicism and Protestantism on nationalism was avoidance of the issue. After the March 1961 disturbances, Catholicism co-operated with the Portuguese state, a policy to crush the rebellion. The response of Protestantism was one of opposition to the position of the Portuguese state. Within these general patterns of responses, there were always exceptions to the prevailing response of Christianity to each of the selected issues. ii. Factors Shaping Christianity's Response A first factor was Catholicism's identification with the state's colonial policy. For Protestantism, separation from the state placed her in a problematic position; Protestant missions were conscious of their precarious legal position in a Catholic state. But the problematic position was abandoned when Protestantism was confronted by an abrupt disruption of church-state relations after the 1961 revolt. A second factor was that of motivation. Three motivations, often conflicting, predominated in Catholic mission work: the economic, the civilizing, and the Christianizing. For Protestantism, two motivations seemed important, the humanitarian and the evangelizing. A third factor was the colonial situation. Catholicism identified itself with the cultural policy of the colonial state. Protestantism also adapted itself to the colonial situation; its response was existential and expedient. A fourth was the time factor, especially pertinent for Protestantism. In many instances Protestant missionaries refrained from criticizing the contract labor system because previous protests were ineffective. A fifth was the factor of Africanization. The Catholic hierarchy was predominantly European. Consequently, Catholicism's response to nationalism was European oriented. Protestantism's strength was distinctly African; this is one reason why Protestant Africans were suspect after the northern revolt in 1961. iii. Dilemmas In a broad sense the dilemmas for Catholicism and Protestantism were analogous. On the one hand, opposition to the policies of the state involved a rupture in t he relationship between Christian groups and the state, disaffection by European settlers, and the threat of expulsion from the country by the state. Christianity's support of the policies of the state, on the other, invited a compromise on the ethical position of Christianity on these problems; it prolonged the colonial situation; it made the church an instrument of the state's aim to civilize; and, it alienated the African population from the Christian church. / 2031-01-01

This thesis presents an archaeological, historical, and ethnohistorical study of the nineteenth-century BaPhuthi, a peripatetic, horticulturist chiefdom with a political economy premised upon cattle raiding and active in southern Africa's Maloti-Drakensberg Mountains. The BaPhuthi appear as a valuable case study for exploring how 'tribes' and cultural identities (particularly when rooted in subsistence strategies) are historically and archaeologically constructed. Firstly, the thesis explores how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century sociocultural taxonomies were crafted by colonists and colonial subjects alike, with ethnonyms acting as ciphers for political and economic behaviours and locational traits rather than emic identifications. The BaPhuthi's choice to combine traits of hierarchical chiefdoms with pronounced mobility and heterodox, 'outlaw' activities (i.e. voluntarily becoming barbarians) confounded these taxa, as the BaPhuthi failed to conform to expectations of forager, farmer, chiefly, or 'savage' behaviour, rendering them historically marginal or invisible. The thesis thus employs a range of archival evidence to reconstruct BaPhuthi lifeways and historical trajectories. The BaPhuthi emerged and thrived in the borderlands between Moshoeshoe I's Basotho state, the eastern Cape Colony, and the Orange Free State: they exploited the ambiguities of colonial authority to build an extensive network of alliances premised upon cattle raiding, aided by their ability to turn the inhospitable terrain of the Maloti-Drakensberg to their advantage. This analysis illuminates the BaPhuthi as a culturally hybrid, ethnogenetic polity that attracted and discharged a disparate following as needed, while maintaining a degree of solidarity and chiefly hierarchy. The thesis details the BaPhuthi's peripatetic settlement strategy: BaPhuthi leaders established multiple dispersed political seats throughout their territories south of the Senqu River, which they would frequently activate and deactivate, enabling them to settle their heterogeneous following within their territories. The thesis then explores archaeological corollaries of BaPhuthi lifeways: historical analysis suggests that the BaPhuthi's archaeological footprint would be ephemeral (despite their polity's regional significance), and archaeological approaches to Iron Age Farming Communities (based in the historical identities described above) currently do not fully accommodate polities such as the BaPhuthi. The thesis discusses a methodology designed to address the archaeology of the BaPhuthi polity and its results. Considering how the BaPhuthi fashioned a diverse, heterodox chiefdom that manipulated the ambiguities of colonial rule encourages re-visiting prevailing conceptions of how cultural identities and economies are rooted in contingent historical circumstances; drawing on comparative cases from North and South America suggests revising longstanding views of the Maloti-Drakensberg as a marginal colonial theatre and re-positioning heterodox actors as capable of influencing the terms of colonial encounters.

The settler colonial framework provides Palestine Studies with a useful tool; opening new lines of inquiry and leading to new fields of study. This thesis examines the impact of the Zionist settlement policy on rural Palestine during the Mandatory period. Through a demographic analysis the thesis argues that the displacement of these peasants was the result of an intentional transfer policy by the Jewish community. Transfer, as Nur Masalha has already shown, constituted an important part of the overall Zionist ideology and attitude towards the local population. This thesis argues that the displacements and removal of the indigenous population started before the Nakba, including the British Mandate period inside the settler colonial need of becoming a demographic majority in the land under dispute. Zionist historiography argues that Zionists did not interfere in the daily life of the Palestinians and stresses the profitable aspects of Jewish immigration. This thesis, using settler colonial theories, challenges this historiography and proposes new tools to deal with other settler colonial cases around the world. This thesis is based on four demographic sources used during the British Mandate to determine the consequences of land purchases and immigration in the Haifa, Nazareth, Jenin and Nablus sub-districts during that period: the 1922 Census, the 1931 Census, the Village Statistics 1938 and the Village Statistics 1945. The analysis of the growth rates of all the communities and villages will illustrate the consequences of the Zionist settler colonial project. This thesis discusses the replacement of population and the importance of population, access to land and immigration trends for the Zionist settler colonial enterprise on their way to becoming the demographic majority on the land of the Historical Palestine.

This dissertation focuses on an important Muslim periodical "Pengasoh" and the role it has played in the Muslim ‘reform’ discourses in early 20th century Malaya. The periodical was first published by the Majlis Agama Islam Kelantan (Kelantan’s State Islamic Council) in 1918. Within the context of Malay-Muslim society, Kelantan was, and in some ways remain, a particularly important centre for Islamic culture and learning, attracting teachers and students from across the region. The Majlis itself was established by some of the leading ulama on the Peninsula at the time. Many were educated in the Middle East and had close associations with some of the major Muslim reformists in Egypt and the Haramayn. The standing of the Kelantanese 'ulama' within Malay-Muslim Southeast Asia, and the role of "Pengasoh" within that community meant that the periodical gives a unique glimpse into the world of these intellectual-theocrats. In this sense, the study of “Pengasoh” is a prism which could further our understanding of the dynamics of Islamic intellectual culture in Kelantan – as well as the surrounding region – during the early decades of the 20th century. What this dissertation attempts to show is how the ideational aspects of this community may be better understood if two important factors are taken into account - the linkages throughout the Indian Ocean littoral which form the cultural and religious milieu which shaped the thinking within the Kelantanese ‘ulama’; and how this sits in a wider conversation between "Islam" and "modernity". This moves away from existing studies which sought to clearly demarcate these Islamicate discourses as one between ‘Modernist’ Muslims and their ‘traditionalist’ counterparts.

Thesis (PhD. (English Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2002. / The purpose of this study is to investigate colonialism in the novels of Nadine Gordimer and Anita Desai. A further purpose is to introduce these two major writers to a wider audience, thereby illuminating not only their work but also the artistic, social and moral assumptions on which it rests. A comparative study of the novels of Gordimer and Desai shows how these writers, from socially and culturally different countries, reflect and explore colonialism. By locating this phenomenon of world history in Post-Colonial Literary Studies the project calls for a discussion of the various critical models of post-colonial writing. In consequence, the study moves beyond the dichotomy of east-west and centre-periphery to a reading of Gordimer's and Desai's novels at several levels, with a particular focus on India's special experience of colonialism - both at home and abroad -and Gordimer's status as a white South African. From this perspective evolves the notion that Desai and Gordimer reveal through their texts patterns of similarity and difference in their respective colonial encounters. If we were to search for a writer from Africa whose being and writing have been directly involved with issues pertaining to the historical phenomena of colonialism and race struggle over an extended period, then Gordimer must be the ideal candidate. She is a writer deeply bound up with the multiple phases and consequences of South African apartheid. Also, she is someone who tries to go beyond history to depict the conscience of the age by writing about the human condition in times of terror and fear. A contemporary analysis of the human condition is a concern that Gordimer and Desai share as writers of fiction. The agony of a post­ colonial India that tries to liberate itself from the dialectic of history is reflected in Desai's novels in the framework of "difference on equal terms". This places her in the "second generation" of lndo-English writers who write from the hybridised and syncretic view of the modern world that celebrates cultural cross-pollination. A special achievement of Gordimer and Desai is to succeed in powerfully portraying female characters in a rapidly changing world, though each writer explores the place of women in society from her own cultural perspective. Writers are transmitters of their cultures. A study of this kind, I hope, will help to stimulate interest and enjoyment in the reading of South African and Indian literature and thus strengthen the literary bond of understanding between the two countries.

During the second half of the seventeenth century, alcohol and tobacco were consumed at all levels of the social strata in the Dutch Republic. These products and their consumption were important to long standing traditions and were vital to the Dutch economy. Paradoxically, however, moralists and ministers attempted to curb intoxication by associating it with the loss of one's masculinity or femininity. Intoxicated men and women were stigmatized as morally inept, unruly, and a threat to the family, community, and even the nation. Dutch genre paintings depicting alcohol and tobacco consumption are often described as moral warnings or didactic messages, but these images were more than teaching aids for Dutch youth. The intoxicated characters in these paintings represented a larger social anxiety towards the threat of foreign invasions. Foreign labor, including soldiers, sailors, and maidservants, held a precarious position within the Republic and in Dutch homes, and these foreign workers became easy targets for moralists and ministers who sought to perpetuate the Dutch national myth of superiority through allegories of foreign otherness. There is a large body of scholarly work that explores seventeenth-century Dutch society; however, little attention has been given to the significance of alcohol and tobacco consumption. This paper addresses these concerns with a special emphasis on paintings created during the True Freedom (1650-1672). Through the examination of paintings, moral treatises, and religious sermons, I will discuss depictions of alcohol and tobacco consumption and juxtapose them to the ideal man and woman as described by moralists and ministers. For the seventeenth-century Dutch, images of alcohol and tobacco represented an insidious infection in a pristine community. But these condemnations tell us much more about the anxieties of seventeenth-century Dutch society than about the inherent evils of intoxication.

After World War II East and West Germans alike contributed to the maintenance and dismantling of European colonialism, whether by means of direct participation or state policy. At the same time, Germans in both states fashioned a variety of narratives about Germany's own colonial period, selectively including and interpreting facts in order to support sweeping pronouncements on Germany's past, present, and future. In this regard Germans were not unique, as other Europeans after 1945 likewise struggled to find their way in a rapidly decolonizing world and to make sense of the history that had led them to this point. Yet, unlike other Europeans, Germans had been without a colonial empire of their own since World War I. In West and East Germany colonialism permeated political culture. German politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen, and workers dealt with colonialism, its decline, and its aftermath on a regular basis. Colonies were objects of foreign policy-making; decolonization provided an important context for political and economic developments within, between, and beyond both German states; and Germany's colonial past offered redemption and reproach to those willing to find them there. These and other encounters with colonialism dot the historical record, appearing in government archives, political pamphlets, and popular culture ranging from periodicals to film and television. Colonialism's continued relevance for Germans--and indeed the continued relevance of Germans in Europe's waning overseas empires--naturally invites one to compare and contrast the German experience with that in France, or the United Kingdom. However, it also points to the importance such similarities or differences had for Germans. Colonialism certainly helped forge connections between Germans and non-Germans across Europe, Africa, and elsewhere, but more importantly it provided a language for defining Germans' relationships with the rest of the world, not to mention with each other.

This thesis explores the coalescence of Japanese and Anglo-American colonial discourses in the Seoul Press. Between the Protectorate Treaty of 1905 and the Annexation Treaty of 1910, Korea was dominated not only territorially but also discursively. Under the guise of the “civilizing mission,” the Japanese Residency General sought to legitimize its colonial project in Korea. To accomplish its goals of silencing foreign opposition to Japanese colonialism and of dictating international opinion about Korea, the Residency General established an English language newspaper, the Seoul Press. In the pages of this daily paper, the views of Japanese colonial officials as well as Anglo-American observers found expression. Through an analysis of articles from the Seoul Press, this thesis will reveal the existence of a dual-layered gaze of colonialism, the rhetorical threads of which made up the tapestry of colonial communication.