The objective of this study is to examine the impact of students accessing Algebra 1 in the 8th grade on their science course-taking patterns in high school in a large district in the Mid Atlantic of the United States. This is an important question because many studies have shown that Algebra 1 is a "gatekeeper" course (Adelman, 1999, 2006) but there has not been much research around the impact of who has taken Algebra 1 by 8th grade and what science courses they took as a result of having access to that particular course (Xin Ma, 2009). The data will be supplied by the school district of the last two cohorts of graduating seniors who were in the district from the seventh grade on, so the analysis can be conducted on those who were subject to the same opportunities and policies. The demographic information that will be requested are: Free/Reduced Meal students (FRMS) as a proxy for socio-economic status (SES), gender, race, English as a Second Language (ESOL) level, Special Education (SPED), what grade the students took Algebra, and the science classes they took while they were in high school. The research questions will be analyzed using JMP, a statistics program supplied by Virginia Tech to see if there are any significant differences in which groups of students took Algebra 1 by 8th grade and what kinds of science courses they took. The major findings were that more White and Asian students, and higher SES students accessed Algebra 1 by 8th grade and were enrolled in more rigorous science classes in their high school career than their Black, Hispanic, low SES, Special Education or English Language peers. The results of this study could inform large school districts about the impact of Algebra 1 by 8th grade on students' science course-taking patterns and promote conversations about their policies they create about access to critical courses. / Doctor of Education / The objective of this study is to examine the impact of students accessing Algebra 1 in the 8th grade on their science course-taking patterns in high school in a large district in the Mid Atlantic of the United States. This is an important question because many studies have shown that Algebra 1 is a "gatekeeper" course (Adelman, 1999, 2006) but there has not been much research around the impact of who has taken Algebra 1 by 8th grade and what science courses they took as a result of having access to that particular course (Xin Ma, 2009). The major findings were that more White and Asian students, and higher SES students accessed Algebra 1 by 8th grade and were also enrolled in more rigorous science classes in their high school career than their Black, Hispanic, low SES, Special Education or English Language peers. The results of this study could inform large school districts about the impact of Algebra 1 by 8th grade on students' science course-taking patterns and promote conversations about their policies they create about access to critical courses. The research could be used by school leaders as context for when they examine the participation of students in their upper level science classes. It could also be used by school counselors to better communicate with families about the importance of mathematics preparation and readiness and the impact of those on other college track courses.

According to Venezia, Kirst, and Antonio (2003) and Barth’s 2002 Thinking K16 Ticket to Nowhere report, the disconnect between K-12 and postsecondary education was a contributing factor to high attrition rates. Since mathematics emerged as a primary concern for college readiness, Barth (2002) called for improving student transitions from K-12 to postsecondary institutions through the use of state or local data. The purpose of the present study was to analyze mathematics course-taking patterns of secondary students in a local context and to evaluate high school characteristics in order to explore their relationships with Associate degree attainment or continuous enrollment at an urban community college. Also, this study extended a national study conducted by Clifford Adelman (The Toolbox Revisited, 2006) as it specifically focused on community college students that were not included his study. Furthermore, this study used the theoretical framework that human capital, social capital, and cultural capital influence habitus - an individual’s or a group’s learned inclination to behave within the parameters of the imposed prevailing culture and norms. Specifically, the school embedded culture as it relates to tracking worked as a reproduction tool of ultimate benefit for the privileged group (Oakes, 1994). Using multilevel analysis, this ex post facto study examined non-causal relationships between math course-taking patterns and college persistence of public high school graduates who enrolled at the local community college for up to 6 years. One school-level variable (percent of racial/ethnic minorities) and 7 student-level variables (community college math proportion, remedial math attempts, race, gender, first-year credits earned, socioeconomic status, and summer credits earned) emerged as predictors for college persistence. Study results indicated that students who enter higher education at the community college may have had lower opportunities to learn and therefore needed higher levels of remediation, which was shown to detract students from degree completion. Community college leaders are called to partner with local high schools with high percentages of racial/ethnic minorities to design academic programs aimed at improving the academic preparation of high school students in mathematics and promote student engagement during the first year and summers of college.

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