Thesis (Honors)--Liberty University Honors Program, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available through Liberty University's Digital Commons.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1972. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1956. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [339]-365).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Art History, June 2002. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This study examines the effectiveness of Say on Pay (SoP) regulation as a corporate governance mechanism in the context of M&A deals. Using a large sample of U.S. firms over the 2005-2017 period, this study finds that, in the post-SoP period, overall CEO pay growth rate declines and CEO pay to acquisition performance sensitivity improves following M&A activities. This supports ‘SoP governance’ hypothesis, which proposes that SoP regulation will restrict CEOs self-fulfilling behaviour. In a macro-economic set-up, the introduction of SoP regulation was intended to discipline top managers by giving shareholders an opportunity to express their opinion on CEO compensation. It was therefore expected that, in the post SoP-era, CEOs will experience a lower growth in their pay package following M&A deals. On the other hand, the relation between SOP voting approval rates and CEO compensation following M&A activities is unidirectional. Irrespective of the performance of M&A deals, it is observed that CEOs with higher shareholder voting approval experience a significant positive change in their compensation level after an M&A deal. We term this as a ‘reliable CEO’ hypothesis. According to the ‘reliable CEO hypothesis, a very high voting percentage may legitimize CEOs action and embolden CEOs to carry out more risky ventures such as M&As. Since there is an established relation between risk and return, shareholders would like CEOs to take appropriate risks to increase firm value. A reliable CEO, who enjoys a high degree of shareholders’ support, should not be penalized for taking more risky ventures that are intended to increase shareholders’ wealth. Our results confirm this viewpoint.

With the aid of the labor legislation passed during the New Deal era, it would appear that southern labor should have been as well organized proportionately as northern labor. Outwardly it would also appear that southern labor did not enjoy more success in organization because it was still docile and preferred to bargain on an individual basis, an attitude which met with the approval of the southern employer. However, the attitude of the individual southern worker does not explain what occurred in the South under the New Deal. Rather, other important factors retarded unionization: southern community attitudes, regional hostility to anything northern, southern courts, the national aspect of the New Deal and the various unions themselves. To understand the slow but continuous process of unionization in the South during the New Deal period, these factors have to be considered in their setting. Only here can the effect of the New Deal labor legislation be readily discernible.

During the political interlude between Wilson and Roosevelt, the United States was under the leadership of the Republican party which adhered to a conservative philosophy. While this regime continued, conservative southerners were content, but in 1933, Franklin Roosevelt, who had campaigned on the need for a "New Deal" was inaugurated President. Although southerners readily accepted the relief and recovery features of the first phase of the Roosevelt program, they opposed his program of sweeping reform because it constituted an impeding threat to intrenched political and economic interests in the South.

The theme of this thesis is a political history of a state during a critical time in the history of a nation and the world. A political history implies an account of what has happened politically within the years and are dealt with. It involves an inquiry into political leaders, governmental institutions, and enactments, but it also involves public opinion formulation.

No description available.

The militancy that helped prompt federal labor reform and the electoral incorporation of industrial workers exposed serious political fault lines within the so-called New Deal coalition. In particular, militancy and factionalism in the labor movement compromised the early electoral victories of the ruling Farmer-Labor Party in Minnesota and New Deal Democrats nationally. Yet the landslide victory of Republican candidates in 1938 in Minnesota, as well as across the industrial North, was not a repudiation of the New Deal or the labor movement. These Republicans refashioned their party platform to accommodate key parts of the New Deal, including recognizing the legitimacy of collective bargaining. Liberal Republicans harnessed popular support New Deal social policy, but unlike Democrats they were free to criticize the supposed “excesses” of the New Deal- namely a militant and politicized labor movement. Minneapolis provides one case study to reconsider the impact of labor militancy on the development of New Deal liberalism.