The transition, in 1994, in South Africa from an authoritarian ethno-nationalist Apartheid state where racial categories determined inclusion and exclusion to a liberal democratic state, raised the promise of greater inclusion within society. The post-Apartheid state formally abandoned racism and discrimination, at least in its legal sense. Paradoxically, in a context which enabled greater engagement with Africa, the new ‘Rainbow Nation’ with an emphasis on nation-building and emerging nationalism, led to manifestations of discrimination and exclusion of a different kind. An escalation in incidents of xenophobia within post-Apartheid South Africa has been fully documented. However, it could be argued, not all immigrants are subject to incidents of xenophobia. In the new South Africa, targeting the black African immigrant, in particular, has resulted in a new cycle of exclusion. As Nyamnjoh puts it these black African immigrants are associated with “the Heart of Darkness north of the Limpopo”. In contrast, foreign whites seem to be more acceptable in the new South Africa. Experiences of xenophobia and the concomitant exclusion and/or discrimination have been raced. African immigrants, however, are not a monolithic grouping. The dissertation argues that whilst all black African immigrants potentially experience xenophobia, socio-economic status may mitigate the extent and immediacy of this, as well as the ability to escape or avoid such experiences to some extent. AFRIKAANS : Die oorgang vanaf 'n outoritêre etno-nasionalistiese Apartheid-staat, waar rasse-kategorieë insluiting en uitsluiting bepaal het, na ’n liberale demokratiese staat in 1994, het die belofte van groter insluiting in die samelewing gehuldig. Die “post-Apartheid” staat het rassisme en diskriminasie ten minste op wetlike-vlak, formeel afgeskaf. In 'n konteks wat groter verbintenis met Afrika moontlik gemaak het, het die nuwe "Reëboog nasie" met die klem op nasiebou, nasionalisme ontketen. Paradoksaal het dit tot manifestasies van diskriminasie en uitsluiting van 'n ander aard gelei. 'n Toename in die voorvalle van xenofobie in “post-Apartheid” Suid-Afrika is ten volle gedokumenteer. Tog kan dit aangevoer word dat, nie alle immigrante onderworpe is aan voorvalle van xenofobie nie. In die nuwe Suid-Afrika is dit gerig op die swart Afrika-immigrant, in die besonder. Dit het tot 'n nuwe siklus van uitsluiting gelei. Soos Nyamnjoh dit stel word hierdie immigrante van Afrika met die "Heart of Darkness north of the Limpopo" geassosieer. In teenstelling blyk dit dat blankes van die buiteland meer aanvaarbaar in die nuwe Suid-Afrika beskou word. Ervarings van xenofobie en die gepaardgaande uitsluiting en/of diskriminasie is ras-gebonde. Immigrante van Afrika is egter nie 'n eenvormige groepering nie. Die verhandeling voer aan dat alhoewel alle swart immigrante van Afrika potensieel xenofobie ervaar, sosio-ekonomiese status, die omvang en die onmiddelikheid hiervan versag, sowel as die vermoë om van sulke ervaringe, tot 'n mate, te kan ontsnap of dit te kan vermy. Copyright / Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Sociology / unrestricted

Maintaining order in the community may be considered one of the fundamental obligations of the contemporary state. It requires the policing of society in accordance with the law and therefore entails one of the most comprehensive manifestations of state power. It is aimed at protecting the state and the community against crime so that the individual member of society is not burdened with self-protection. It is, however, essential that the state engages in legitimate powers and force in order to provide stability within the community it polices. The traditional approach to policing requires that a state authority be appointed to maintain order in the community, to apply and enforce the law and to utilise legitimate procedures to protect the community. However, through the ages it became synonymous with oppressive and politically driven state authority. This created a wedge between the state and society and resulted in a crisis in police legitimacy. Before 1994 South Africa‘s policing system was based on the national security of the state that ensured absolute state authority through oppressive political practices. The democratisation process deviated from this approach by striving for the limitation of state power and the protection of the individual by means of fundamental rights. This democratisation process also had an impact on the policing system, which was required to transform accordingly, in order to reflect the democratic state, as well as the constitutional values, fundamental rights and legitimate state authority. The South African police therefore had to transform on both a structural and material level, but seems to have done so without the juridical basis. This re-established a crisis in legitimacy which caused society to view the police as an oppressive, corrupt and hostile state authority. It created a feeling of contempt and distrust in the police and undermined the police‘s role in society. To counter this lack in legitimacy the community reverted to a form of self-protection and took the law into their own hands, which resulted in the undermining of public order and the law in general. This study investigates the juridical foundation of the contemporary policing system in South Africa. It studies the structural and material composition of South African policing and whether it can really be considered a constitutional policing system. It endeavours to provide juridical answers to the current concerns in the legitimacy of policing, in order to harmonise the traditional policing approach with that of the constitutional era. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Maintaining order in the community may be considered one of the fundamental obligations of the contemporary state. It requires the policing of society in accordance with the law and therefore entails one of the most comprehensive manifestations of state power. It is aimed at protecting the state and the community against crime so that the individual member of society is not burdened with self-protection. It is, however, essential that the state engages in legitimate powers and force in order to provide stability within the community it polices. The traditional approach to policing requires that a state authority be appointed to maintain order in the community, to apply and enforce the law and to utilise legitimate procedures to protect the community. However, through the ages it became synonymous with oppressive and politically driven state authority. This created a wedge between the state and society and resulted in a crisis in police legitimacy. Before 1994 South Africa‘s policing system was based on the national security of the state that ensured absolute state authority through oppressive political practices. The democratisation process deviated from this approach by striving for the limitation of state power and the protection of the individual by means of fundamental rights. This democratisation process also had an impact on the policing system, which was required to transform accordingly, in order to reflect the democratic state, as well as the constitutional values, fundamental rights and legitimate state authority. The South African police therefore had to transform on both a structural and material level, but seems to have done so without the juridical basis. This re-established a crisis in legitimacy which caused society to view the police as an oppressive, corrupt and hostile state authority. It created a feeling of contempt and distrust in the police and undermined the police‘s role in society. To counter this lack in legitimacy the community reverted to a form of self-protection and took the law into their own hands, which resulted in the undermining of public order and the law in general. This study investigates the juridical foundation of the contemporary policing system in South Africa. It studies the structural and material composition of South African policing and whether it can really be considered a constitutional policing system. It endeavours to provide juridical answers to the current concerns in the legitimacy of policing, in order to harmonise the traditional policing approach with that of the constitutional era. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Since the democratic election in 1994 and the publishing of the SA Schools Act on the 16th of November 1996 the South African education system has undergone a fundamental transformation. Pupils are regarded as a specific interest group that stands in a partnership relationship with other interest groups (stakeholders) in the school. The principle of partnership advocated by the South African Schools Act invites pupils to partake in and share responsibility for the governance, organising and funding of public schools. To participate in school management pupils have to be part of participative structures. Two such structures for pupil participation and representation exist in South African schools, namely SRC's and the governing body of the school. The aim of this research is to develop a model for pupil participation in the management of schools and specific attention was given to participative management of pupils on the SRC and governing body of the school. In order to operationalize the above mentioned aim an analysis of the nature of participative management by pupils was done on the basis of theoretical approaches to participative management. Participative management by pupils can only be successful if the following participative management techniques namely pupil participation, pupil empowerment, influence. participative decision-making, delegation, democracy, decentralization, committees and meetings are interwoven with the participative management process. Pupil participation can also be successful if the advantages of such participation is realised by all school interest groups. The structure and functioning of pupil participation in the management activities of the school is reviewed firstly by giving attention to the practices of pupil participation in the education systems of a few international countries. This is done by analizing the structure of each education system, the statutory directives for pupil participation and the structures for pupil participation in these education systems. Secondly the managerial involvement of pupils in the management activities of SRC's and the governing bodies of schools was reviewed, while certain lacunas that resulted from the lack of information were addressed by empirical research. As a result of the preceding criteria a model for pupil participation in school management was developed and certain findings and recommendations were derived from it. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, 2000

Since the democratic election in 1994 and the publishing of the SA Schools Act on the 16th of November 1996 the South African education system has undergone a fundamental transformation. Pupils are regarded as a specific interest group that stands in a partnership relationship with other interest groups (stakeholders) in the school. The principle of partnership advocated by the South African Schools Act invites pupils to partake in and share responsibility for the governance, organising and funding of public schools. To participate in school management pupils have to be part of participative structures. Two such structures for pupil participation and representation exist in South African schools, namely SRC's and the governing body of the school. The aim of this research is to develop a model for pupil participation in the management of schools and specific attention was given to participative management of pupils on the SRC and governing body of the school. In order to operationalize the above mentioned aim an analysis of the nature of participative management by pupils was done on the basis of theoretical approaches to participative management. Participative management by pupils can only be successful if the following participative management techniques namely pupil participation, pupil empowerment, influence. participative decision-making, delegation, democracy, decentralization, committees and meetings are interwoven with the participative management process. Pupil participation can also be successful if the advantages of such participation is realised by all school interest groups. The structure and functioning of pupil participation in the management activities of the school is reviewed firstly by giving attention to the practices of pupil participation in the education systems of a few international countries. This is done by analizing the structure of each education system, the statutory directives for pupil participation and the structures for pupil participation in these education systems. Secondly the managerial involvement of pupils in the management activities of SRC's and the governing bodies of schools was reviewed, while certain lacunas that resulted from the lack of information were addressed by empirical research. As a result of the preceding criteria a model for pupil participation in school management was developed and certain findings and recommendations were derived from it. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, 2000

This historical study analyses the holistic dynamics of Ethiopia, taking into account political, social, economic, cultural, religious, and media development aspects, with a focus on the three most recent governments (1930–2014), in relation to freedom of expression. The analysis indicates that the Feudalist-Imperial system was clearly the extension of centuries-old imperial hegemony which had used religious, cultural and patriotic hegemony to stifle freedom of expression. During the Socialist-Military regime every sphere of society, including acts of expression, were oriented towards the revolution and socialist political ideology. During the current ethnically based so-called Revolutionary-Democratic regime, freedom of expression has been stifled by means of legislation, government and party structures, complex surveillance, and social networks. While the instruments of repression have differed, relatively speaking, from government to government, the extent of repression has remained similar over a number of centuries. Threats to freedom of expression derive from rulers or governments, in which instances they are entrenched through policies, laws and bureaucracies, from religious and cultural hegemonies, from poverty and a related lack of education and access to information, and from conflicts, rivalry and wars. These threats have their origins in three main interrelated causal or determining factors, namely the Certainty–Uncertainty Dilemma, Ethno-Luminary Thought and Narcissism, which together form a pyramid beneath which freedom of expression in Ethiopia has been trapped. This pyramid is identified in the study as the Social Pyramid, or the Pyramid of Repression Instruments, and it in turn gives rise to an overall web of suppression, that is, the Pyramid Trap of Repression. The study concludes that the repression of freedom of expression in Ethiopia is likely to remain intact, insofar as the threats to freedom of expression and the factors giving rise to those threats persist. While limited gains concerning the right to freedom of expression are achieved periodically, these are routinely undone and rolled back, since the Pyramid Trap of Repression is not dismantled. / In hierdie historiese studie word die holistiese dinamika van Etiopië ontleed, met inagneming van politieke, sosiale, ekonomiese, kulturele, religieuse, en media-ontwikkelingsaspekte. Daar word op die drie mees onlangse regerings (1930–2014) gefokus, ten opsigte van vrye meningsuiting. Die ontleding dui daarop dat die feodalisties-imperialistiese stelsel duidelik die uitbreiding van eeue-oue imperialistiese hegemonie was wat religieuse, kulturele en patriotiese hegemonie gebruik het om vrye meningsuiting te onderdruk. Gedurende die sosialisties-militêre regime was elke sfeer van die samelewing, insluitende dade van uitdrukking, georiënteer tot die revolusie en sosialisties-politieke ideologie. Tydens die huidige, etnies gebaseerde sogenaamde revolusionêr-demokratiese regime, is vrye meningsuiting onderdruk deur wetgewing, regering- en partystrukture, komplekse bewaking, en sosiale netwerke. Hoewel die instrumente van onderdrukking relatief gesproke verskil het van regering tot regering, het die mate van onderdrukking oor ʼn aantal eeue heen soortgelyk gebly. Bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting is afkomstig van heersers of regerings (en in sulke gevalle word hulle beveilig deur beleide, wette en burokrasieë), van religieuse en kulturele hegemonieë, van armoede en ʼn verwante gebrek aan opvoeding en toegang tot inligting, en van konflikte, mededinging en oorloë. Hierdie bedreigings het ontstaan vanweë drie vernaamste kousale of bepalende faktore wat onderling verwant is, naamlik die sekerheid-onsekerheid-dilemma, etno-voorligter-denke en narsisme, wat gesamentlik ʼn piramide vorm waaronder vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië vasgevang is. Hierdie piramide word in die studie as die sosiale piramide, of die piramide van onderdrukkingsinstrumente, geïdentifiseer, en dit lei op sy beurt tot ʼn algehele web van onderdrukking – die piramidelokval van onderdrukking. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die onderdrukking van vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië waarskynlik onaangeroer gaan bly, so lank as wat die bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting en die faktore wat tot daardie bedreigings aanleiding gee, onveranderd bly. Hoewel beperkte suksesse van tyd tot tyd behaal word rakende die reg tot vrye meningsuiting, word sulke prestasies dikwels ongedaan gemaak, omdat die piramidelokval van onderdrukking nie afgebreek word nie. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)