This qualitative study explored the experiences of African American educators who worked in two communities in Texas during the years 1954 to 1975. The goal was to document the educators’ perceptions of teaching in segregated schools, their recollections of how the desegregation process was implemented in their districts, and their perceptions regarding teaching in desegregated schools. College Station schools desegregated in 1966, and Bryan schools desegregated in 1971. The study considered the years 1954 to 1975. A purposive sample of eleven African American teachers was interviewed. The data was analyzed in two ways. Findings generated using the categorical content method of narrative analysis revealed the following: In Phase One, when participants worked in segregated schools, they had to deal with numerous hardships; yet they had a high sense of teacher efficacy, had high expectations for students, and were highly regarded in their roles as teachers. 2) In Phase Two, the Brown v. Board of Education ruling had no immediate impact on the communities’ schools, although there were a series of arsons committed against African American schools that proved to be critical in bringing about desegregation. 3) In Phase Three, the participants were typically re-assigned or demoted; yet several factors made their work easier, although it became difficult to develop meaningful relationships with students and some students felt disconnected from the educational process. Narrative analysis using the holistic content method discerned three overarching patterns found across the collective body of data. They were a) double consciousness, b) an ethic of caring, and c) resiliency traits. In addition to the above findings, the model of an inverted rite of passage was developed to describe the African American educators’ experiences in which participants underwent a process of change, over which they had little control. Desegregation compelled them to leave familiar settings, and to make personal and professional adjustments. In contrast to traditional rites of passage, the participants did not emerge from this process with new-found, elevated statuses. Instead, they occupied a socially ambiguous terrain as they joined predominantly White faculties at desegregated schools.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Education in fulfillment or partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Edncation (Educational Psychology) in the Department of Educational Psychology and Special Education at the University of Zululand, 2002. / The study consisted of three aims. The first was to determine the general attitude of high school learners towards school desegregation, the second aim focused on the age of the learner and whether or not this played a role in the learners' attitudes towards the process of desegregation and lastly the* third aim examined the extent to which the following variables played a role in the attitude of learners towards school desegregation: urban-rural dichotomy, gender, race and the frequency of contact with learners from other race groups. A questionnaire was designed and administered to high school learners (grades 8 to 12) who attend desegregated schools. Fifty-five percent of learners held positive attitudes towards school desegregation. Race was the only variable that had a direct influence on the results obtained.

The transition of neighbourhoods in post apartheid South Africa has not received adequate attention. Mondeor, a previously White populated suburb in the South of Johannesburg has been identified as progressively diverse in respect of racially diverse neighbourhoods in the aftermath of Apartheid. By focusing on this suburb, the current study investigated whether increased contact with members from different race groups in a residential neighbourhood promotes the formation of inter-racial friendships and social mixing. In addition, it explored whether there were particular associations which promoted interracial friendships or social mixing. Finally, the different types of contact occurring within the suburb were explored. In order to address the above questions the study followed a Qualitative Cross Sectional design. Data for the study was attained through in-depth interviews from twenty residents of Mondeor. The sample was further divided into five participants from each of the four major race groups prevalent in South Africa( African Black, White, and Indian and so-called Coloured). The results from this study found that racial proximity facilitated for much social mixing and a few friendship formations. Closer examination found that there was a reluctance to mix in the suburb however religious and educational institutions as well as recreational facilities in the neighbourhood promoted some integration in the area. In conclusion, the area was racially diverse however not significantly integrated.

0 / SPK / specialcollections@tulane.edu

The struggle to achieve integration of public schools in Southampton County, Virginia, has been an ongoing process that has occurred through the years since the Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 493, 74 S.Ct. 686, 691 (1954) and Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294, 75 S.Ciit. 753 (1955), and Green v. County School Board of New Kent County, Virginia, 391 U.S. 430, 88 S.Ct. 1689, 20 L.Ed.2d 716 (1968). The time frame of 1954 until 1970 is particularly significant because of happenings that took place prior to the time that Judge Robert R. Merhige, federal judge of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, ruled that all school divisions which operated dual school systems for Black and White students must fully integrate. Through the use of acceptable methods of historical research including personal interviews to record the oral history, school board minutes, personal correspondence, newspaper articles, books, and other such materials available to the writer, this dissertation records information regarding the desegregation of Southampton County Schools. The purpose of this study is to examine the roles of individuals and groups in the desegregation process that took place in the public schools of this rural, southside Virginia county during the years of 1954 to 1969. This study will provide a greater understanding of leadership, local governance, racial, and social class concerns of Southampton County citizens, as well as, a documentation of an important part of the history of Southampton County, Virginia. / Ed. D.

Over the last three decades, the magnet school program has been employed as a desegregation tool to eliminate, reduce, or prevent minority group isolation in public schools in America. By definition, the magnet school program has three essential elements: a unified curriculum based on a special theme or method of instruction, enrollment of students beyond the geographic attendance zone, and student and parent choice. The impetus for magnet school programs emerged from debates covering busing, choice programs, educational quality, and racial balance. The early development of the magnet concept as a desegregation tool can be traced to judicial engagement of well-known court cases such as Brown v. Board of Education, 1954, where de jure segregation was ruled unconstitutional based on the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. In the late 1970s, the federal government began to provide financial support for magnet school programs through the Emergency School Aid Act (ESAA,1972) and established the Magnet Schools Assistance Program in 1984. Recent findings suggest that the magnet program may not be obtaining the desired results of eliminating, preventing, or reducing racial imbalances. Furthermore, it is believed that some districts receiving grants have little chance of reducing minority group isolation due to the limited pool of white students. This study was designed determine the extent of the reduction of minority group isolation in magnet school programs that received funding in the 1995 Magnet Schools Assistance Program. A survey instrument designed to gather enrollment information was mailed to the central office personnel who were responsible for the oversight of magnet school programs in sixty-four federally funded school districts. Findings of this study indicate that school districts with a significant population of minority students are unlikely to reduce minority group isolation using the Magnet Schools Assistance Program standard of at or no more than fifty percent minority enrollment in selected magnet programs even with financial assistance. Schools with high populations of minority students are unlikely to attract non-minority students. / Ed. D.

This paper provides a historical analysis of the desegregation of George Washington High School and Langston High School in Danville, Virginia in 1970. The author focuses on the related desegregation litigation on a national, state, and local level as well as the historical context for desegregation in the Commonwealth of Virginia. In August of 1970, Danville, Virginia embarked on a new era in education as its schools would be totally desegregated. It would no longer operate under the freedom of choice plan that had been in effect since 1965 and permitted African-American parents to send their children to the all-white schools. The school system was to be fully integrated and operating as a unitary system. Using newspaper accounts, correspondence from key figures, and interviews with key people in Danville in 1970, the author addresses four areas of research: (a) What led to the desegregation of schools in Danville, Virginia? (b) Who were the key players in the desegregation movement? (c) How were the community, the students, and the staff prepared for desegregation? and (d) What were the attitudes and the concerns about desegregation? The data was collected and analyzed using qualitative methodology. The constant-comparative method espoused by Maykut and Morehouse was used to analyze the data and Bronfenbrenner's concept of the "nested environment" was the theoetical model used to organize the data. / Ed. D.

Promoted as state-of-the-art desegregation devices, educational parks were large campus-like schools designed and sited to draw students from many neighborhoods. In the mid-1960s, the educational park movement featured prominently in debates about race and education in the United States, winning the support of numerous influential individuals and organizations, yet today the educational park movement is nearly forgotten, akin to a wave that swelled, crested, and crashed, leaving only a muddy wash. How could so many thoughtful and energetic people—1960s educational park advocates—work so hard yet achieve so little? This question can only be answered by reference to a wide-ranging 1960s debate about the appropriate role of the federal government in public education, a debate during which educational parks became emblematic of a federal government intent on remaking public schools to advance its own socially progressive ends. Whereas advocates for an expanded federal role in public education portrayed educational parks as cutting-edge alternatives to outdated and inequitable neighborhood schools, opponents of federalism in education presented the parks as staging areas for federal invasions of old-line school districts. In the end it was the latter vision—with its scenes of federal officials revising textbooks and drawing up lesson plans—that won the day, transforming educational parks into menacing symbols of federal overreach.

The divisive city planning and urban fabric of apartheid in Cape Town, South Africa has prevented social and economic growth for much of the population. The types of places invented by human cultures have the potential to be altered by sociopolitical events throughout history, yet little in Cape Town has been accomplished thus far in regards to breaking the patterns of segregation in the built environment. Worldwide, cities dictated by walls have been met with issues of mobility and social integration, raising the question of how design may aid in the transcendence of borders. Efforts towards redevelopment within Cape Town are often misplaced and have the tendency to strengthen the notion of "apartness" as they are not truly connecting people, places and goods to one another. By focusing on connecting disparate communities across boundaries, new development can construct a mobilized future. In order to integrate community and environment, siting at the seam between the mobile and the immobile is required for future growth. In Cape Town the highway is a conduit of freedom and access but exists simultaneously as a physical boundary between poor areas lacking the very access the highway provides. It is along this edge that this thesis will focus on, as it pertains so closely to what needs to be addressed for the growth and development of Cape Town- issues of location, containment and condition, and shifting building goals from that of immobilization, security and control to that of mobilization and new networks; allowing for an increase in physical movement, social progress, and economic growth. / 0 / SPK / specialcollections@tulane.edu

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / Anti-racist training has been put forward as a method to ameliorate the achievement gap that exists between Black students and their White peers. Such training requires clear goals and measurable outcomes. This study focused on an anti-racist program (EMI) run collaboratively by nine predominantly White school districts west of Boston which are members of the Boston desegregation program (METCO). This program is intended to change educators' racial attitudes, which founders and supporters of the program believe undermine the academic success of students of color. Qualitative methods were employed to collect data from eight instructors, six Board Members who are superintendents in the collaborating school districts, and eleven teachers who participated in the program in 2000 or 2001. The research effort was to understand the purposes and methods of the training and its self-reported effects in light of the program's purported mission. Findings revealed common themes and were analyzed in relation to the historical foundations of anti-racist education and theories of organizational, attitude, and cognitive change. Three findings are noteworthy. The central finding is that the intended aims, goals, and vision of the EMI instructors, former participants, and Board Members were mutually inconsistent. Specifically, tension existed between the desire for anti-racist activism by the instructors and a democratic multiculturalism that characterized most of its participants and Board Members. This created a deep ideological division, and made a successful transformational experience unlikely. Second, interview data revealed conflicting priorities with regard to anti-racist training within the EMI collaborative school districts. The attempt to balance continuing support for the program with a range of other priorities raised questions about the ability of the participating school districts to maintain their commitment to anti-racist training. Third, the data provided no evidence that this anti-racist training promoted a change in the participants' racial identity. On the contrary, a sustained Eurocentric approach toward students of color appeared to be the continuing the norm in these school districts. These findings suggest that professional training programs aimed at higher student achievement, a distal goal of this anti-racist program, require shared goals and clear assessment, effective educational strategies, and measurable, student-based outcomes. / 2999-01-01