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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1973. / Typescript. Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (524-545).

Master of Arts / Department of History / Marsha L. Frey / The diplomatic corps employed by Oliver Cromwell and Charles II from 1649 to 1660 differed greatly. This study will focus on the top three diplomatic ranks: ambassador, envoys and residents and will exclude agents and chargé d′affaires. The lesser ranks have been excluded for several reasons primarily because biographical information does not exist for many of them and as lesser diplomats their missions were not significant and often lasted only a matter of days. This prosopographical examination of the twenty-four diplomats employed by Charles II and Oliver Cromwell provides insight into their similarities as well as their differences. After examining the twenty-four, one from each side will be further researched. In matters of religion, Cromwell predictably sent Protestants. Charles also sent Protestants, but did send Roman Catholics, especially to Catholic courts. Despite the age difference between Cromwell and Charles II, age did not separate their diplomats. The average age of Cromwell’s and Charles’ II diplomats was both forty years. In matters of education, those who went to college had a tendency to choose the Puritan-influenced Cambridge for the Commonwealth and Protectorate and Oxford for the Royalists. The area a diplomat was from shows that the diplomats from north chose the side of the Commonwealth while those from London and south chose the Royalist side. Royalists had a higher percentage of military service and a higher percentage of Parliamentary service. Although more Commonwealth and Protectorate diplomats had a university education, the Royalists had a higher percentage of master’s degrees and the study of the law. When looking at a diplomat’s position in a family, the Commonwealth diplomats had a greater chance of being the oldest son, while the Royalists tended to be younger sons. This information is valuable because it expands the commonly held historiographical image of the typical Royalist and Commonwealth supporters and illustrates the differences between the general support and each sides diplomatic corps.

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The present study attempts to understand the shift that occurred in Saudi-British relations by the year 1953. The tracing of such a shift is dealt with by investigating the development of these relations from 1939 and through to 1953.The research is drawn upon a documentary diplomatic history method reinforced by an analytical approach. Within the framework of analysis, the Realism approach to international politics is selected. Certain assumptions that most of - classical and modern - Realists agreed upon are in use, specifically the state-centric assumption, the rationality assumption, the unitary assumption, the anarchic assumption, and the security assumption. As is clear from existing secondary sources, Saudi Arabia and Britain enjoyed a kind of special relationship in the early 1940s, but by the last year of King Ibn Saud's reign (1953) these two states' relations had deteriorated into severe conflict. Though some existing sources have attempted to shed some light on that development, their findings are indeed modest. In fact, none of this literature has studied the topic from a purely Saudi-British perspective, nor has any of it explored and analysed the matter with the depth that it deserves. By focusing on Saudi-British relations the chapters of this thesis are endeavouring to answer profoundly a variety of questions that affected the main course of these relations. By questioning the impact of certain issues on Saudi-Anglo relations - such that of Saudi-US relations, the security concept, the Saudi-Hashemite problem, and the frontier conflict - the thesis will address its main theme.

In order to look into the future, people of current era speculate about something past. The historical issues between China and Vietnam have affected diplomatic policy both. For the sake of analyzing the China¡¦s diplomatic policy toward Vietnam, the thesis traces back the historical contexts and proceeding. The purpose of diplomatic policy is achieving national benefits, including foreign relations and influences. For different subjects and goals, the characters of diplomatic policy will change. China and Vietnam established diplomatic relations since 1950; they were in brotherliness. From 1960 to 1970, their relations were getting worse because of definitions of communism. Even from 1970 to 1990, they fought each other. After 1990, they started normalizing mutually; then, announcing ¡§the four goods¡¨: making good relations for good neighbor, good friend, good comrades, and good partner with each other at 2005. The thesis argues that there are four factors affecting the China¡¦s diplomatic policy toward Vietnam: international conditions, sovereignty of territory, ideology and China-Vietnam relations; and further, the theory of thesis is Realism. Explaining transitions and meanings of China¡¦s diplomatic policy toward Vietnam is all on this ground.

Habilitationsschrift--Bonn, 1970. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [358]-384) and index.

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li Taiwan da xue suo shi lun wen. / Bibliography: p. 321-332.

Diplomacy is an ancient concept known to man as far back as the ancient Greeks and Romans. Through the passing of time the concept of diplomacy has continuously been developed. The evolution of this concept has followed with the great civilisations of this world. Most notable are the advancements in Europe from the medieval era to the industrial revolution. Diplomacy was first codified in 1815 by the Congress of Vienna. The 1961 Vienna Convention currently regulates the immunities and privileges of the modern diplomat. The immunities range from official acts to the conducting of personal affairs. These immunities protect the diplomat from the foreign state. The extent of these immunities has led to a range of abusive behaviour resulting in controversy. This dissertation sets out a brief historic overview of diplomacy and theories dealing with the discourse of immunities in light of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961. A closer look is taken on the privileges and immunities a diplomat enjoys in his personal capacity, his property and his family. Furthermore the development of diplomacy in England and South Africa are discussed. Lastly the Vienna Convention sets out a number of remedies that are able to deter diplomatic agents from abusing their station. However, such remedies alone have proved to be inefficient without the immunities being limited in order to make diplomats accountable for their misconduct. In light of the severity of misconduct by diplomats, a suggestion has been offered for such privileges to be curtailed in order for diplomats to be held accountable for severe crimes committed. As it stands now, diplomats escape liability for heinous crimes such as rape, murder and human trafficking. It is submitted that a re-evaluation of the principles is required. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li Taiwan da xue suo shi lun wen. / Bibliography: p. 321-332.