published_or_final_version / Buddhist Studies / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This thesis is a study of the doctrine of maqamat (stations) and ahwal (states), the crucial doctrine of sufism, as described in two different books, al-Risalah al-Qushayriyah and Kashf al-Mahjub, by two different masters of Sufism: one Sunni-Shafi'i, al-Qushayri, the other Sunni-Hanafi, al-Hujwiri. After introducing their positions in the history of sufism, the thesis examines their backgrounds as well as their mystical inclinations. The thesis then analyzes al-Qushayri's and al-Hujwiri's doctrine of maqamat and ahwal through a comparison of concrete examples found in the two books. Through this comparison, the thesis attempts to show the differences and the similarities of their concepts of maqamat and ahwal. The conclusion discovers that the differences which appear in al-Qushayri's and al-Hujwiri's views concerning identification of a virtue as a state or a station pertain to theoretical differences only.

Well before the Occultation of the Twelfth imam in 330/942 and before the time of the great Shi 'i theologians such as al-Shaykh al-Mufi d (d. 413/1022), the Shi 'ah had constructed their own integral and elaborate system of thought. This thought is expressed in the sayings of the Shi 'i imams, recorded in hadi th collections gathered in the traditionist centres of Kufah and Qum. It is apparent when these narratives are pieced together that the Shi 'i system as presented by the Shi 'ah themselves bears little resemblance to the descriptions of the heresiographers. At the centre of the Shi 'i worldview is the relation between the imams and the community. The imams' constitution is altogether supernatural, and they succeed to the whole of the prophetic knowledge, while the Shi 'ah, who were created of the same substance as the imams, are the bearers and beneficiaries of that knowledge. The imams continue to receive intelligence from God so that they know every thing and are able to address themselves to every circumstance, while the Shi 'ah must resort to no one else to guide them. God is known only through the imams and they conduct their followers to Paradise while others are left for the Fire. There is, however, evidence of revision of belief already in the time of the first traditionists. The definition of faith is emended so as to allow the non-Shi 'ah a place in Paradise and enable the Shi 'ah to integrate into the larger community. The confinement of the imams by the Abbasids and the lesser Occultation lead to reconsideration of the question of authority: human reason is given a greater role as the Shi 'ah set about thinking how to evaluate the words of the imams already recorded. Kalam, a field of enquiry formerly forbidden to the faithful Shi 'ah due to the necessity of absolute submission to the statements of the imams, is sanctioned so that dicta concerning theology are issued under their names. Tradition now moves away from predestinarianism, and other

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<p> There are very few studies devoted specifically to the ethical teaching of Spinoza's Ethics. Instead, commentaters have focussed their attention mainly on the metaphysical and epistemological doctrines found chiefly in Parts I and II. Nevertheless, ethics was Spinoza's primary concern and the metaphysical and epistemological doctrines were intended by him to support and culminate in a practical doctrine of the best way of life. Despite its title, however, the Ethics is silent about what Spinoza means by ethics; indeed, nowhere in this work does he define or explain what ethics is. With this in mind, my chief objective will be to determine what Spinoza himself means by ethics and the significance of this for an understanding of both his ethics and his philosophy as a whole.<p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Cette thèse examinera le rôle vital et essentiel que la doctrine pentecôtiste de « l'évidence initiale » a apporté à la formation et à l'identité d'un mouvement, mais aussi à sa croissance exceptionnelle et durable. Elle avancera également l'argument selon lequel il ne s'agissait ni de l'expérience d'autres langues, ni d'une intervention divine, ni d'un nouveau réveil spirituel particulier au tournant du siècle dernier, mais plutôt l'établissement de cette doctrine de « l'évidence initiale ». En d'autres mots, le mouvement pentecôtiste s'est formé autour d'une doctrine théologique plutôt que d'une expérience spirituelle, et cette doctrine est le catalyseur de la fondation et de l'expansion rapide du mouvement. Elle visera à énumérer et à expliquer comment la doctrine de « l'évidence initiale » a inspiré des pratiques qui ont contribué à la croissance rapide phénoménale, à l'endurance et à l'impact du pentecôtisme. Elle comparera également la fondation et la croissance du mouvement pentecôtiste à celles de l'Église primitive tel que décrit dans le livre des Actes, en soulignant des facteurs similaires entre les chrétiens primitifs et les premiers Pentecôtistes qui y ont participé. / This thesis will examine how the Pentecostal doctrine of "Initial evidence" contributed not only to the formation and identity of a movement but to its exceptional and enduring growth as well. It will also put forth the argument that it was not the experience of other tongues, nor divine intervention, nor a spiritual revival that was new, at the turn of the last century, but rather the establishment of the doctrine of "Initial evidence". In other words, ***the Pentecostal movement was formed around a theological doctrine rather than a spiritual experience***, and this doctrine is the catalyst for the foundation and rapid expansion of the movement. This is not to deny the reality of Spirit baptism, nor the value of the experience. However, this experience was not unique, therefore, it must be something else that "created" Pentecostalism. This thesis will aim to establish that it was the formation of the doctrine of "Initial evidence". It will aim to enumerate and explain how this doctrine inspired practices that contributed to Pentecostalism's phenomenally rapid growth, endurance, and impact. It will also compare the foundation and growth of the Pentecostal movement to the foundation and rapid growth of the early church as described in the book of Acts in the Bible, underlining similar factors between early Christians and early Pentecostals that led to this exceptional growth. It will propose that these same practices can lead to similar growth and impact in the contemporary church, tongues notwithstanding.

Modern scholarship has generated several works on ancient Greco-Roman, Jewish or biblical oneirology, whereas it has never resulted in a book or monograph devoted solely to the study of patristic oneirology. Although many articles discuss the dreams in patristic texts, most of their authors do not analyse these dreams correctly in their doctrinal context, a context from which virtually all patristic dream narratives or discourses emerged. This thesis endeavours to remedy the deficiency in the construction of patristic views of dreams by a corresponding analytic approach. Numerous early Christian writers attempted to formulate a Christian dream theory, conceptualise dream phenomena, or interpret their own dreams or the dreams of prominent figures. This thesis argues that from their perspective, the nature of human-inspired dreams can be conceived of as creations of the soul, as indicators of the dreamer’s state and as moral reflection (Ch.1 to 3), that of demon-inspired dreams as demonic assault, temptation and deception (Ch.4) and finally that of divinely-inspired dreams as a site of epiphany, as divine messages and as the dynamic of faith reinforcement (Ch.5 to 7). In addition to investigating their thoughts on dreams, additional discussions of Greco-Roman, Jewish and biblical dream traditions will be provided as helpful references for readers to understand the background in which patristic oneirology was shaped and cultivated (Appendixes). Moreover, unlike pagan authors, these Christian writers did not elucidate dreams for oneirological, physiological or psychological purposes. Rather, their real agenda was to promulgate Christian doctrines, including the doctrines of man, asceticism, sin, demonology, God, Christology, revelation and eschatology. When they encountered dreams, they not only interpreted but doctrinalised them, just as they did to many other aspects of human life. Methodologically, they dogmatically expounded dreams so as to facilitate their dissemination of the doctrines. The making of patristic oneirology was essentially the propagation of dogmatics. Hermeneutically, they integrated doctrinal tenets into their explication of dreams. The doctrines defined the essence of dreams and even orientated their mission outside the dream world. Accordingly, their oneirological and doctrinal conceptions were intertwined and serve each other. This doctrinalised oneirology marked the birth of a new ideology of dreams in late antiquity. Hence, in each chapter the methodological and hermeneutical relationships between dreams and the related doctrine in patristic texts will be demonstrated. Due to these relationships, this thesis contends that the task of penetrating patristic views of dreams cannot be accomplished without analysing them in their doctrinal context; meanwhile, the doctrines cannot be fully represented without undertaking that task.

The medieval period witnessed many attempts at organization, of both the mundane and sacred spheres. The otherworldy realms of heaven and hell are familiar to the modern reader, as is purgatory, but it was during the middle ages that the existence of another realm, limbo, was posited. This realm had its beginnings in questions of Christology and the extent to which Christian salvation could or could not be extended to non-Christian peoples. Its development was also shaped by questions of infant baptism, and the fate of those infants who died lacking this baptism. By the thirteenth century, it becomes more proper to speak of "the limbos", as the idea of limbo is split into two realms: the limbo of the Fathers (limbus patrum), wherein were placed the notable figures of the Old Testament, and the limbo of children (limbus puerorum). wherein were placed unbaptized infants of the Christian era. This thesis examines the development of the idea of limbo, concentrating primarily on works of speculative theology. It begins with the roots of the idea of limbo to be found in the writings of Augustine of Hippo and in the apocryphal Christian work, the Gospel of Nicodemus. From there, the questions of original sin, divine redemption, and baptism which shape the development of the idea of limbo are examined in the writings of several influential twelfth-century authors, including Anselm of Canterbury, Peter Abelard, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Peter Lombard. The earliest uses of the term "limbo" are examined in the works of William of Auvergne and William of Auxerre, and the full theology of limbo is considered in the works of the high scholastic writers Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventure. Finally, the thesis concludes with a fusion of theology and art in an examination of the unique depiction of limbo in Dante's Divine Comedy.

Buddhist Studies / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy