Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). / Truth commissions are implemented in order to "deal with the past" in the context of a transition in government from authoritarian to democratic rule. At the center of a truth commission is a truth process that attempts to establish the experience of gross human rights abuse at the hands of the state, and does so in a way which places the victims of such abuse at the center of the process, through valuing victim testimony as "truth." It is done with the assumption in mind, that in order for a society, or community, to have healthy relations in the future, violent past experiences must be faced and dealt with. Communities at a local level have imitated the structure, goals and procedures of truth commissions in projects that have been termed "Unofficial Truth Projects." This thesis compares three case studies of unofficial truth projects which have taken place in the Southern United States in the past few years: The Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Greensboro, North Carolina, which sought to establish a community reconciliation process 25 years after what has come to be known as the "Greensboro Massacre"; and two civil-society based truth processes, the Katrina National Justice Commission and the International Tribunal on Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, which seek to establish truth and gain reparations for human rights abuses which have taken place in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans. The author considers various projects in a comparative manner, and through examining their histories, structures and ideological make-up, analyzes the processes in terms how these factors affect the ability for the project to: gain legitimacy as a truth process, generate resources and support, acknowledge victims' experiences, and engage the community in reconciliation efforts. The author also echoes the calls for a shift in paradigm in reconciliation and transitional justice literature, which would allow for a space to exist for truth processes that may be unofficial and fall outside a context of a formal transition. Such processes could still greatly benefit communities living in post-conflict contexts and with histories of racial and political violence, such as many communities in the Southern United States.

This study explores the longitudinal reintegration of girls involved in the post-independence war in Mozambique using in-depth qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews, and a wide range of documents. Piecing together the narratives of over 70 informants, the dissertation chronicles the way in which the war and the post-conflict environment, and to a lesser extent, the historical cultural milieu, have contributed to these women’s current realities.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / This thesis is concerned with the construction of belonging in contemporary South Africa and how it is reproduced, challenged and negotiated within the social action of language. This is explored by investigating the situated meanings individuals assign to events, places, institutions and people in relation to their experiences of belonging and exclusion. Poststructuralism, phenomenology and social constructionism shape the theoretical framework of this study. Multi-disciplinary discourse analysis and critical discourse analysis are used to explore how the construct- ion of belonging [is] reflected and produced in everyday language. The texts analyzed in this study are the product of five focus group discussions with 23 residents of Cape Town. The texts are read for how individuals’ lived experiences, memories and imaginations inform the process of constructing belonging.

Word processed copy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-110).

The advancement of African languages following South Africa’s transition to a constitutional democracy was important not only for societal transformation but also to enable previously disadvantaged South Africans proper access to education. In order to achieve this end policies had to be developed by government and by the institutions involved. In this dissertation I provide an analysis of the language policies developed by four South African universities1 (the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of Cape Town, Rhodes University and North- West University) in order to provide insight into, and a critique of, how the role of African languages in education and in societal transformation is interpreted and implemented. The analysis of the language policies is preceded by an overview of the link between conflict and language in South Africa and a discussion on the manner in which the post-conflict South African state has attempted use language as a key player in transformation, particularly with regard to education. The dissertation draws on data collected from the policies to qualitatively determine a number of issues relating to transformation, being: the rationale for becoming a multilingual university; their choice for their languages of instruction; how universities try to achieve academic development through language interventions; how they attempt to develop their staff and students; and how actual implementation is achieved or projected.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / South Sudan became the newest country in the world in January 2011, after 22 years of civil war between the Khartoum-based government of Sudan and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) of the south—the longest of all armed conflicts on the African continent. There is a stark contrast between the rhetoric of post-war unity and peace and the realities of heightened tensions on the ground; the United Nations has warned that escalating inter-ethnic violence threatens to destabilize the country and many regions in South Sudan have “plummeted into self-perpetuating cycles of violence, cattleraiding, banditry and loss of human life. Jonglei state has seen some of the most extreme violence in South Sudan; the Lou Nuer, Murle, and Dinka in Jonglei raid and retaliate back and forth, killing civilians, abducting women and children, and talking cattle. Abductions of women have historically been a part of cattleraiding, but only recently became used extensively as a tool of war, either as an “attempt to directly recover wives” or purely to retaliate. The conflict in Jonglei is a “complex and murky situation to untangle” without one definitive explanation, and the timing and context of many events have contributed to its continuation. In order to create lasting peace in South Sudan, it is imperative to look critically at the complex layers of the driving factors of the recent inter-ethnic conflict in the region.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-111).

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-95). / In conflict resolution literature, the principle of all-inclusiveness, which calls for all warring parties to be included in a peace process for it to be successful, has become conventional wisdom and orthodoxy. This study challenges the principles of all-inclusiveness by critically analysing problems related to issues of "inclusion" and "exclusion" of warring parties, as seen from a mediator's perspective. The literature on peace processes is examined in relation to five themes: The foundation for the principle of all-inclusiveness; the relationship between participation and the use of violence; consequences of exclusion; participation in relation to parties' characteristics; and consequences of all-inclusiveness. A set of questions are raised through which the issue of all-inclusiveness can be investigated, and on this basis, the 1998 peace process in Burundi is studied. The case of Burundi challenges the principle of all-inclusiveness as the process was successful despite the exclusion of several armed groups and highlights important dimensions for the question of participation. The central argument of the thesis is that the issue of participation, in particular its relation to success, is much more complex than recognised in the literature.

This dissertation utilizes a descriptive case study method to provide a comprehensive and critical analysis of identity politics in Rwanda. More specifically, this thesis situates identity politics in nation building in post-genocide Rwanda. In order to do so, this study examines diaspora engagement politics. The central question in this thesis is: In what ways, and to what extent, have identity politics affected the nation building project in post-genocide Rwanda, in relation to its diaspora? Rwanda's turbulent history raises many issues regarding the political and social construction of Rwandan identity, but scholarship has not thoroughly examined the diaspora and state engagement with the diaspora. This thesis sought to examine these dynamics. It will do so by examining: (1) the ways in which the Rwandan Patriotic Front reconfigured identities inside Rwanda by perpetuating the narrative of unity; (2) the collective identities ascribed to groups of citizens inside and outside Rwanda, based on this government narrative; (3) how the RPF governed perceptions abroad; and finally (4) the education programs to shape the ideal Rwandan citizen. This thesis concludes that the Rwandan government, while trying to rebuild the nation, has failed to transcend divisive identities that have pervaded in Rwanda. Instead, it has created a tightly controlled political space in which a restrictive single identity and narrative existed; furthermore, identity politics have been increasingly manipulated and controlled by the state apparatus. The state's engagement with its diaspora illustrates this.

In the wake of extreme xenophobic violence, which swept South Africa in 2008, a group of Somali refugees resident in Cape Town formed the Somali Retailers’ Association (SRA) as a mutual support network made up of those who were targeted by xenophobes most: Somalis involved in informal sector trade in the townships. This study investigates the networks of targeted populations, analysing how this Association helps to mitigate the impact of xenophobia on the lives of its members.