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This thesis examines South Africa's relations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and private international banks in the period 1970-1987. The thesis is written in the language, and uses the conceptual tools, of 'regulation theory', an approach whose emphasis on 'time-changing' empirically-grounded explanations of a country's global interactions, it is suggested, represents an advance over modernisation and dependency approaches. The thesis traces the altered circumstances of the international financial system since the early 1970s. It points to the struggle by the IMF to come to terms with these changes in harmonising a new international financial system. The IMF has, however, increased its supervisory power in relation to most countries in the developing world, especially after the oil-price hike of 1973. The basis for, and implications of, the explosion in private international bank lending in this period is also examined. This analysis is followed by an examination of the crisis in the South African political economy since the early 1970s and of the way this crisis was influenced by global events. It is argued that South Africa's international economic relations were transformed by both global and domestic forces and came to be dominated by issues of international finance. The second part of the thesis examines South Africa's relations with the IMF and private international banks. This relationship was supportive of the apartheid state's development strategy for most of the period 1970-1985. It is argued that until the 1980s, the relationship also benefited the western industrialised countries who profited both materially and strategically, from their economic relations with South Africa. However, in 1983, the US imposed restrictions on its support for IMF loans to South Africa. By mid-1985 a combination of political and economic changes within South Africa forced some foreign banks to withdraw their normal credit facilities to South Africa. These events precipitated a dramatic change for the worse in South Africa's international financial relations. It is argued that although there has been some improvement in these relations since 1987, the country's relations with the IMF and banks have not returned to their previous mostly supportive character. A combination of international, regional and domestic economic and political factors has ensured that the current crisis in South Africa's international financial relations is already deeper, more prolonged, and more damaging to growth prospects, than the crisis of the mid-1970s. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1989.

China’s massive growth has left her in need of new energy and raw materials sources to fuel her fast developing economy. Consequently, China has turned to the African region to meet such critical needs. To this end, China’s emerging economy appears to be associated with an increasing strengthening of its political and economic relations with sub-Saharan African countries, particularly with South Africa. At the same time, South Africa is also enjoying improved relations be it economic, political and social with China. This research has three tasks: first it will examine the impact of the China- South Africa political and economic relations on the socio-economic fabric of South Africa. Secondly, this project will ascertain the opportunities and challenges presented by China’s relations with South Africa. Finally, this study will investigate whether this relationship is mutually beneficial or one-sided. A combination of the realism, Balance of Power, Heckscher-Ohlin theory, and notions from the Liberalist approach to International Political Economy theories will be used in explaining the China – South Africa relationship. The study will mainly take the form of a qualitative study and will mainly entail the examination, analysis and interpretation of documentary secondary data published in a variety of financial journals, non-profit organisations such as the Trade Law Centre for Southern Africa (TRALAC) and the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), government departments, reports and articles in the media as well as research conducted by other students. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

As dit die doel van handel tussen die EU en Suider-Afrika is om ontwikkeling teweeg te bring, is dit eerstens nodig om te verstaan wat bedoel word met die konsep ontwikkeling en hoe dit beskryf word deur verskillende teorieë. Die aandag in hierdie studie sal slegs val op makroteorieë tot ontwikkeling, vanweë die belang daarvan vir die rol van handel in ontwikkeling. Die verskillende teorieë oor die verband tussen handel en ontwikkeling moet ook ondersoek word. Wat duidelik sal blyk, is dat handel wel ‘n rol het om te vervul in ontwikkeling, en veral armoede-uitwissing en ongelykhede bekamp, maar dat die tipe handelsverhouding bepalend is. Daar is in hoofsaak twee standpunte oor die rol van handel: dié wat vrye handel sien as ‘n bron vir ontwikkeling, en dié wat handel beskou as moontlike ‘n bron vir ontwikkeling, maar nie binne die huidige ekonomiese en politieke wêreldstruktuur nie. Die standpunte verskil dus oor die rol van vrye handel in ontwikkeling. Hierdie studie steun laasgenoemde standpunt; hierdie standpunt sal deurlopend in hierdie hoofstuk en ook breedweg in die verhandeling gemotiveer word (sien ook 2.4 hieronder). Die verskillende handelstrategieë wat gevolg kan word om ontwikkeling te bereik, sal ook bespreek word met oog op die relevansie daarvan vir die tipe handelsverhouding met die EU wat ontwikkeling in Suider-Afrika kan aanhelp. / Prof. C.J. Maritz

This thesis studies some of the major factors affecting relationship development between Vietnamese and North American business people, including: the different status of foreigners, the economic needs of the Vietnamese, the unsettled environment, the different conception of working relationships and the importance of face. The focus of the empirical research is the relationship development between Vietnamese and North American negotiators. A review of the Vietnamese culture and the pertinent literature led to the formulation and thesis of three hypotheses with respect to: the most important issue for the Vietnamese negotiator, the type of relationship wanted by the Vietnamese negotiator, and the impact of status differential on the relationship. Two principal research methods were used to test these hypotheses. First, a questionnaire was distributed to business people attending business classes at the University of Economics of Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. Second, a series of interviews was conducted with Vietnamese and North American business people living and working in Vietnam. The findings confirm that the Vietnamese emphasize the development of good working relationships with their negotiating counterparts. It should be noted, however, that the concept of a good working relationship is conceived differently than in North America. The second hypothesis is partially supported by the data; the Vietnamese negotiators seem to attach more importance to the evaluation of the trust of their partners, rather than to competitive or cooperative objectives. This is because the Vietnamese negotiators want to make sure they will not be in a situation in which they might lose face. This appears to be the main relationship objective of the Vietnamese negotiators. No conclusive evidence has been found to endorse the third hypothesis. Although status differential affects the behavior of Vietnamese negotiators, it does not affect the way they develop relationships with their North American partners. Possibly, the special status of North American business people, and the similar basis of all business interactions, have led the Vietnamese to have specific relationship objectives when negotiating with North Americans, whatever their status might be. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

When implemented within a favourable legislative framework, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can produce domestic growth-enhancing spillovers in host countries. Other potential positive effects include the provision of investment capital, the creation of local employment and the transfer of sophisticated technology or advanced knowledge. African nations in particular have been historically reliant on externally-provided funds. Prevailing low income levels, marginal savings rates and the absence of functioning financial markets necessary to provide local start-up capital continue to keep Africa reliant on foreign inflows. Considering China’s increasing financial commitments to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) over the last decade, this study examines the state of current Sino-African investment relationships. Specific attention is paid to the outcomes of this strategic bilateral alliance in order to determine whether or not a mutually beneficial investment relationship has evolved. The distinct nature and structure of, the motivation behind and the most significant determinants of Chinese FDI to SSA are all analysed in accordance with traditional FDI theories. A case study approach is used to establish whether China’s contemporary interest in SSA differs from historical investments and to also investigate country-specific commonalities and differences. Of particular relevance to SSA are resource-backed Chinese loans that finance major infrastructure projects in host nations. Interestingly, a lot of the Sino-African investment packages resemble similar deals struck between China and Japan in the 1970s. The results of this study indicate that China’s investment motives seem more diverse than initially expected. Resource-seeking, profit-seeking and market access-seeking reasons appear to be the most important motives. After establishing the Top- Ten recipients of Chinese FDI in SSA, these nations are then classified into three major categories: resource-, oil- or agricultural-rich nations. Undiversified resource- or oil-rich economies are found to have secured the largest shares of Chinese FDI. This study suggests that China’s contemporary “African Safari” is an unconventional way of providing financial assistance. Rather than solely supplying FDI, China finances a diverse mix of instruments, the most important being concessional loans, export credits, zero-interest loans and the establishment of Special Economic Zones. A profound difference to traditional Western investment packages is China’s non-interference approach. Accordingly, Beijing not only refrains from intervening in host countries’ domestic affairs but also refuses to attach formal conditionalties to its loans. China’s “financial safari” into Africa has produced many positive as well as negative effects in host countries. Nevertheless, it would seem that the positive effects outweigh the negative and China’s FDI could contribute to sustainable development in SSA

The landmark inauguration of the East African Cooperation (EAC) on 14 March 1996 brought to the fore some key issues regarding regional economic integration in East Africa, particularly since it signalled the second attempt by Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania to form a regional economic bloc. The EAC's predecessor, the East African Community, had collapsed in 1977 in acrimonious circumstances. Prominent among the issues that led to the collapse of the East African Community was the perception of unequal gains from the integration scheme, with Uganda and Tanzania considering that disproportionate benefits were accruing to Kenya at their expense. With the new initiative, the question emerges as to whether the problems that caused the collapse of the Community will not beset the EAC and subject it to a similar fate. In an attempt to address this question, this study considers some of the theoretical issues relating to regional economic integration among countries at different levels of development, and attempts to provide an analysis of the new initiative of the EAC in the light of this theory and the history of the East African Community. The study also critically examines the objectives of the EAC and the integration strategy adopted by the three countries, and offers suggestions on the way forward. Among the arguments made in this thesis are that, contrary to the suggestions of orthodox static analysis, if the dynamic effects of integration are considered, then there may be important gains which may accrue to integrating states in the developing country context. It is also argued that different levels of development among integrating states need not necessarily be an impediment to economic integration. The study finds that, in spite of the enormous challenges facing the EAC, member states may be better off within the integration scheme than if they acted as individual units in a rapidly globalizing international system.

This treatise is undertaken with the purpose of investigating, through the application of the critical futures technique, causal layered analysis (CLA), the case for South Africa’s inclusion in the BRICS alliance. CLA is explored as a technique that allows for the creation of transformative knowledge which contextualises our reality, enabling techniques for exploring different alternatives that lead to outcomes. In an attempt to understand the unique features that underscore these emerging economies and why they are considered the engines behind global economic growth, the member states’ economies are systematically deconstructed. By analysing key economic variables, strengths and weaknesses, CLA allows for the development of conclusive narratives regarding the legitimacy of all BRICS economies. This study discusses the motivation for the formation of this alliance and its role in the global economy. It demonstrates and sorts out the different views concerning its dreams and aspirations. The all-inclusive nature of CLA allows for the consideration of a wide range of perspectives that seek to clarify motives behind the convergence of the BRICS economies to form an alliance. South Africa’s membership is assessed, using both the economic and political schools of thought. On a balance of a number of dominant views, considered valid, that either support or reject the inclusion of South Africa, this study demonstrates that whether or not it belongs amongst the major emerging countries is an absurd question. It thus proposes that a pertinent question to ask is one that explores ways in which South Africa can effectively capitalise on its BRICS membership to drive its own economic growth.