Thesis (M.C.M.) -- Lincoln University, 2008. / Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of New South Wales, 2005. / "June 2005." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 285-354).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 381-422).

No description available.

In early December 2006, the Fijian military seized power in a coup led by the Armed Forces commander Commodore Frank Bainimarama. It was a coup long expected, and Fiji’s fourth since 1987. Internationally, the response was swift imposing sanctions and removing or delaying international aid programmes. This has a potentially significant impact on Fiji because it is one of the largest per capita recipients of developmental aid funding in the world. However, it may also have little impact because, despite such assistance, the Fijian GDP has stagnated with an average growth of under 1% for the last 20 years. Other developmental indicators are also bleak. This thesis thus examines the dichotomy between Fiji’s ODA and its apparent inability to arrest the decline of the Fijian lifestyle and economy. However, to review all international developmental programmes across all sectors of Fijian society, while maintaining contemporary relevance and coherency, is untenable. Therefore, the thesis will focus on the European Union and its external relations with Fiji. The EU is one of the most influential partners for Fiji and is often overlooked by scholars, allowing this thesis to make a valuable contribution to developmental studies in the pacific region. The thesis has selected and examines four sectors of Fijian society, that of the Economy, Governance, Sugar, and Education sectors. This is because they are the sectors that the European Union is presently devoting most attention. Therefore, these areas best illustrate Fijian reaction to the importance and effectiveness of EU involvement. Overall, the thesis intends to demonstrate both the efficacy and the attitudes of local representatives to foreign aid programmes, and ultimately provide a unique ‘inside looking out' perspective not typical of publications about Fiji.

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. Anthropology)--University of Waikato, 2007. / Title from PDF cover (viewed May 2, 2008) Includes bibliographical references (p. 108-114)

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-150). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Four new species of Hurleytrematoides Y amaguti, 1954 are described: H. fl}iensis from Heniochus acuminatus pnd Chaetodon citrinellus, H. prevoti from Chaetodon melannotus; H bartolii from Heniochus acuminatus and H monoceros, and H. zebrasomae from Zebrasoma scopas. The hurleytrematine genera Hurleytrema, Hurleytrematoides, Pseudohurleytrema and Parahurleytrema are briefly discussed and their validity accepted based chiefly on the structure of the male and female terminal structures. Hurleytrema pyriforme Overstreet, 1969 and H. catarinensis Amato, 1982 are transferred to Pseudohur/eytrema as new combinations. The generic diagnosis of Hurleytrematoides is emended to include cirrus with large and extensive spines or small ones with limited distribution, and a spiny or aspinose unipartite terminal organ. A key to the hurleytrematine genera with single testis and their species is given. A parasite-host list of all monorchiid species reported to date is included.

The common perception of Fiji, which is unique in the South Pacific, is that of an ethnically divided society with the indigenous and immigrant communities often at loggerheads. This perception was heightened by the military coups of 1987, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Dr. Timoci Bavadra because it was perceived as Indian-dominated. Again in 2000, the People's Coalition Government headed by an Indian, Mahendra Chaudhry, was ousted in a civilian coup. Yet Fiji had been genuinely multiethnic for several decades (even centuries) before it became a colony in 1874. From then onwards, however, because of the policies of the colonial government, the society slowly became plural (in Furnivall's classic sense) as the different races were separated in almost every walk of life. Until the 1920s there were hardly any conflicts between Fijians and Indians. From the 1920s, however, the Fijians were taught to be wary of the Indians. After independence in 1970, the Alliance government under Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara followed a policy of multiracialism with the stated aim of bringing the different ethnic groups together in a society where people achieved some degree of integration in terms of a common national identity, while retaining their own separate traditions. But, more than thirty years later, Fiji still remains an ethnically divided society with hardly any integration. My research explores the reason for this failure. My thesis is that the failure arose from the kind of democratic system that the country adopted at independence. That is, the Westminster concept of government and opposition can be problematic in a multiethnic society if political parties are divided on ethnic lines rather than based on political ideologies. Ratu Mara was one Fiji leader who recognized this problem and had said that the confrontational Westminster system is not appropriate in a South Pacific island with a multiracial population. While Stephanie Lawson, Peter Larmour, Futa Helu and others have made some important contribution to this debate, my thesis will focus on an argument put forward by Michael Goldsmith on the role of the opposition, making a distinction between two kinds of pposition, confrontational and thoughtful . This thesis contends that the Westminster system that Fiji adopted at independence failed to bring integration in part because the National Federation Party (NFP) degenerated over the years from a 'thoughtful' and effective opposition to a 'confrontational', ethnic opposition.

Thesis (B.A.Hons.)from the Department of History, University of Adelaide, 1980.