Entry-limiting regulations imposed on common property fisheries have been suspected of encouraging fishermen to substitute unregulated for regulated inputs. This imposes a cost upon society in the form of a reduced amount of resource rent generated by the fishery. Almost no research has been done to provide quantitative estimates of substitution possibilities and the associated degree of rent dissipation. The thesis provides the first estimates of the harvest technology for the British Columbia commercial salmon fishery, one of the first fisheries in North America to experiment with limited entry controls. Estimates of cross-price elasticities of input demand and of elasticities of intensity are given. These elasticities exhibit a greater degree of input substitutability than has heretofore been assumed in the theoretical literature. Two of the four vessel types used in the fishery are observed to be responsible for most of the resource rent dissipation. Potential rent for 1982 is shown to be $73.1 million. This represents 44% of the total value of the landed catch. Actual rent for the 1982 season is estimated to be -$42.8 million. A model of a fishing firm subject to input restrictions is developed in the thesis. The empirical model uses a flexible functional form proposed by Diewert and Ostensoe (1987). The major advantage of the normalized, quadratic, restricted profit function over the translog is its ability to distinguish differing degrees of input substitution between pairs of inputs, while imposing convexity in prices upon the functional estimates. The function is estimated for one output, three variable inputs, and three restricted inputs. Four samples are used which correspond to the vessel types that fish salmon. This allows rent to be calculated for the entire fleet, as well as for each of the components. The study of the salmon fishery is completed by addressing the important issue of rent dissipation. The actual amount of rent is established by using the predicted input demands of each vessel to calculate total fleet costs for the number of vessels that fished in 1982. This is compared to the potential rent that would be generated by an efficient fleet. To determine the characteristics of the efficient fleet, the optimal amount of (the restricted) net tonnage for each vessel is determined. Predicted output levels for each vessel are then used to calculate the minimum number of vessels required to take the 1982 harvest. This is done for each of the four vessel types. This exercise is repeated for two alternative scenarios, including the assumption of a greater degree of substitutability per vessel than actually found and a change in the distribution of catch among the vessel types. A comparison of rents generated in each scenario with an estimate of the actual rent from the 1982 fishery suggests that input-substituting activities of the fishermen may cause a substantial amount of rent dissipation. In addition, fleet redundancy and an inefficient catch distribution are found to contribute to the problem. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the implications for effective fisheries management. In particular, the findings of the research endorse the (Pearse) Royal Commission on Pacific Fisheries Policy (1982) recommendation of a fleet reduction scheme to be used in conjunction with a royalty tax on catch. On the other hand, evidence of input substitutability suggests that a vessel quota restriction might be successful in preventing some rent from being dissipated. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

Conventional approaches to resource management frequently invest authority in the hands of a technical management agency, with the result that the roles of manager and user are often cast in opposition as guardian and villain respectively. This thesis addresses cross-cultural contexts where this problem is exacerbated by the difficulties of communication and where management efforts are often frustrated by conflict. The objectives of the thesis are (i) to analyse the relationship between systems of property rights and systems of resource management, and (ii) to assess the potential for traditional communal property systems to provide a foundation for the cooperative management of local renewable resources held in common. Preliminary chapters set out the theoretical context for this work, tracing the linkage between conventional approaches to resource management and the prevailing western understanding of common property, particularly Hardin's (1968) 'tragedy paradigm'. An analysis of the theoretical challenges to this line of thinking leads to the identification of an alternative, cooperative approach to resource management that builds oh a refined definition of common property and which draws on empirical examples of traditional management systems from around the world. A case-study of the clam fishery on the West coast of Vancouver Island is introduced as an illustrative example of a resource management conflict in a complex setting, beset by a number of problems including a chronic lack of communication and pervasive uncertainty. Using Rein and Schön's concept of 'frames', the dispute is defined in terms of the conflicting perceptions of the many stakeholder groups and from this viewpoint, the present conflict is shown to reflect the characteristic weaknesses of the conventional approach. A solution to this conflict is sought through the the adaptation of the traditional resource use system of the aboriginal inhabitants of the area. By adapting the key characteristics of the traditional system to match the more complex demands of the many stakeholder groups, a set of founding principles is established and a skeleton framework for cooperative management is proposed. It is concluded that the conflict would best be resolved through a process of mediated negotiation that seeks to reduce frame conflict and encourage the growth of cooperation. A number of recommendations are offered that suggest how this process might evolve. On the basis of the findings of the case study, it is concluded that traditional communal property systems can provide a sound foundation for the cooperative management of common property resources but that on the West coast, a number of substantive changes must first come about. In particular there is a need to develop amongst the stakeholder groups a more refined definition of common property and a more refined understanding of its linkage to management systems. There is also an urgent need to close the widening gap between the rapidly changing legal realities of Native rights and the outstanding aboriginal land question on the one hand, and the political and social reality in which many of the stakeholders operate on the other. Finally, it is concluded that cooperative management systems of this type may well be appropriate in many similar resource management and international development contexts but that one principal barrier remains. If western society is unable to overcome the cultural inertia that prevents us from seeing beyond a simple choice of the strictly traditional on the one hand, or the strictly modern on the other, such promising opportunities will be lost. It is argued that this 'traditional/modern' dichotomy must be overcome if more creative and innovative approaches to the management of local renewable resources are to come to fruition. / Science, Faculty of / Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for / Graduate

Recognition and use of indigenous knowledge in resource management can increase the information available about the resource and facilitate establishment of a larger management role for local resource users. This paper examines the use of indigenous knowledge in resource management using the case of knowledge of Pacific salmon {Oncorhynchus spp.) among the Upper St'at'imc, near Lillooet, British Columbia (B.C.). Salmon in the study area are currently managed by the federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO). This system was established in the 1940s and overlays a traditional management system consisting of fishing site ownership, a well-defined system of access to sites, rules of conduct at fishing sites for the catching and processing of fish, and harvest restrictions. Recent DFO policy changes, signified by the Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy, indicate a movement toward a larger management role for First Nations. This study addresses what indigenous knowledge is available, how it compares to knowledge used by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans, and how indigenous knowledge can be used in modern salmon stock management. A literature review was supplemented by interviews with elders, young Upper St'at'imc leaders, and both DFO and non-DFO biologists. Current indigenous knowledge pertains to salmon stocks, habitat, and practices and philosophy. Indigenous knowledge can be primarily distinguished from western scientific knowledge on the basis of the following properties of the indigenous system: a greater amount of qualitative vs. quantitative information; an obvious recognition and discussion of anomalies; the perception of a wide range of variables in a region; the use of specific local technology; the development of analysis based on both observations over a medium-sized area and traditional ideologies; and differences in institutional arrangements for gathering knowledge. Differences between indigenous and western scientific knowledge are related to the requirement that DFO accumulate and process a large amount of information over a very large geographical area. Several barriers exist to using indigenous knowledge in modern resource management, including the fact that indigenous knowledge does not fit readily into established methods for gathering and analyzing data. Using indigenous knowledge may be facilitated by innovations at both the local and state levels.

Recognition and use of indigenous knowledge in resource management can increase the information available about the resource and facilitate establishment of a larger management role for local resource users. This paper examines the use of indigenous knowledge in resource management using the case of knowledge of Pacific salmon {Oncorhynchus spp.) among the Upper St'at'imc, near Lillooet, British Columbia (B.C.). Salmon in the study area are currently managed by the federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO). This system was established in the 1940s and overlays a traditional management system consisting of fishing site ownership, a well-defined system of access to sites, rules of conduct at fishing sites for the catching and processing of fish, and harvest restrictions. Recent DFO policy changes, signified by the Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy, indicate a movement toward a larger management role for First Nations. This study addresses what indigenous knowledge is available, how it compares to knowledge used by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans, and how indigenous knowledge can be used in modern salmon stock management. A literature review was supplemented by interviews with elders, young Upper St'at'imc leaders, and both DFO and non-DFO biologists. Current indigenous knowledge pertains to salmon stocks, habitat, and practices and philosophy. Indigenous knowledge can be primarily distinguished from western scientific knowledge on the basis of the following properties of the indigenous system: a greater amount of qualitative vs. quantitative information; an obvious recognition and discussion of anomalies; the perception of a wide range of variables in a region; the use of specific local technology; the development of analysis based on both observations over a medium-sized area and traditional ideologies; and differences in institutional arrangements for gathering knowledge. Differences between indigenous and western scientific knowledge are related to the requirement that DFO accumulate and process a large amount of information over a very large geographical area. Several barriers exist to using indigenous knowledge in modern resource management, including the fact that indigenous knowledge does not fit readily into established methods for gathering and analyzing data. Using indigenous knowledge may be facilitated by innovations at both the local and state levels. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The commercial fisheries of British Columbia, operating along the province's 750-mile winding coastline and out into the North Pacific, are extremely diverse. Each of the many different species of fish requires its own technique of catching and method of processing and marketing. Processors are concentrated into a few firms, handling all products. Fishermen are a specialized, but nonetheless competing, labour force, divided by a variety of gears used and wage payments received, and further split historically into various language and racial groups, often isolated in close-knit communities. Characteristic of the industry is its uncertainty of operation and income. Lack of control of the supply of fish has been further accentuated by variations in conservation measures designed to perpetuate the fisheries. These rigid government controls have, in part, determined the nature of the fierce competition and rapid technological changes which have occurred when fishermen and companies have attempted to increase their share of the fish. Another uncertainty has been fluctuating market demand, especially in those export markets which take the bulk of the catch. Focus of the tensions produced has been disputes between fishermen and companies over the price of raw fish. Fish prices were the cause of the first strikes and attempts at unionism in the years 1893 to 1914. In this period, while the companies organized a tight employers' organization, antagonism between fishermen, especially whites and Indians on the one hand, and Japanese on the other hand, often defeated their aims. Unions that did survive were restricted to a single area, type of gear or language group. In the second phase of unionism, much stress was laid on legislative action to restrict fishing licences, especially to Japanese fishermen. Rapid changes in technology have dominated the last two decades. Mergers and consolidations have concentrated processing into a few multiphase plants. The fishing fleet has become highly mobile, adaptable to many fisheries and increasingly owned by individual fishermen, though often with company financing. Local isolation has broken down, competition between groups has increased, and fishermen face an increasing need for co-operation to cut insecurity and risk. Out of the struggles against depression conditions in the 1930's, scattered fishermen's unions were welded into a coast-wide organization. Joined with more recently stabilized unions of shoreworkers, it forms one industry-wide union, enrolling the bulk of the labour force. The other attempted solution to these problems has been producers1 co-operatives which have had a limited success in enlisting independent fishermen from some fisheries and areas. The industry today is highly organized with collective agreements all processing operations and practically all fisheries. One major union negotiates with a single employers association, with independent vessel owners and co-operatives playing a subsidiary role. Basic insecurities which produced past industrial disputes have not been eliminated, and the prospect is for continued conflict, coupled with displacement of fishermen and shoreworkers from the industry as productivity and capital costs rise. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

The relative abundance of coho salmon (Oncorhmchus kisutch) in the Kains island troll fishing area was computed, for the years 1943 to 1951 inclusive, on the basis of the average catch per boat per day each year. The resulting figures varied from a minimum of 75, pounds per boat per day in 1946 to a maximum of 231 pounds per boat per day in 1951. These yield per unit effort figures were then statistically compared with the average surface salinity, or average surface temperature, for various periods in the life history of the coho taken by the fishery in these years. It was found that a very high correlation (r = 0.85, p = 0.01 - 0.001) existed between the average "summer" salinity (June to September inclusive) and the poundage yield per unit effort during that same year. It is suggested that this correlation is explainable in terms of varying growth rates in different years, and by variations in the numbers of fish taken in these years, both of these factors being governed by the availability of food, as evidenced by surface salinity. / Science, Faculty of / Zoology, Department of / Graduate

This study examines the fishing industry in British Columbia and finds that it is failing to provide fishermen with incomes comparable to those available in other seasonal occupations in the province. Because of the common-property status of the fishery resource and the fact that access to that resource is virtually unlimited, there has been excessive investment of capital and labour at the primary level of the industry. In this situation net returns to fishermen are seriously depressed. This problem is further complicated by the fact that most fishermen have limited occupational mobility. It is suggested that this combination of low incomes and occupational immobility produces frustration which leads to serious unrest among the fishermen. While the source of the income problem lies largely in the common-property status of the fishery resource, this is not immediately apparent to the fishermen. They feel that their poor incomes are a reflection of the inadequacy of the prices they receive for their catch. Thus, their financial relations with the fish processing companies become the focus of their discontent. However, as long as the fundamental problem of unrestricted entry remains unresolved, there will be continued industrial unrest. Assuming this to be true, it is further suggested that the prevailing atmosphere of discontent and conflict will be favourable to the growth of radical ideologies and the emergence of radical leaders in fishermen's unions. In support of these hypotheses, evidence is presented of the high level of conflict between the fishermen and the processing companies, and of the radical left-wing orientation of fishermen's unions in British Columbia. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Both the use of and jurisdiction over fisheries resources is an important issue for many First Nations in British Columbia. Historically, fish played an important spiritual, social and economic role in numerous Aboriginal societies. These societies had various methods of managing the resource and, although they had the technological capacity to over-exploit the fisheries, they were able to maintain sustainable levels of fish. Following contact with European settlers, Aboriginal fishers were initially able to continue their traditional methods of fishing as well as expand their use of the fisheries through trade with non- Aboriginals. However, with the opening of the canneries on the coast the fisheries grew in economic importance to non-Aboriginal fishers and management of the resource was gradually but systematically taken over by the state, with various ideologies being used to justify the take-over. Aboriginal fishers lost not only their control over management of the resource, but also their ability to use it as extensively as they once had. Over the years, Aboriginal participation in both the food and commercial fisheries has declined although various government-sponsored programs have been initiated to attempt, with only partial success, to remedy this problem. In the meantime, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans has been battling other problems in the commercial fisheries, including over-capitalization of the fleet and depletion of fish stocks. Management of salmon in particular, because it is an anadromous species which travels through several different jurisdictions, has become extremely complex. It is in this context that much litigation over Aboriginal fishing has been launched. Only a few of the issues have been clarified by the judgments which have resulted and certain myths and ideologies have surfaced repeatedly in many of the decisions. It is likely that the recent decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada on Aboriginal commercial and management rights will result in increased complexity and political controversy. However, problems of fisheries management, including the accommodation of Aboriginal interests, is not unique to British Columbia or even Canada. Similar problems have been experienced elsewhere in the world and various types of co-management regimes have been established in various jurisdictions in an attempt to deal with some of these issues and to recognize a greater role for Aboriginal fishers and communities in fisheries management. It is not clear whether, and to what extent, comanagement will be adopted in British Columbia, or what the role of Aboriginal fishers might be in such a regime. Even if co-management is established, it is highly probable that the state's underlying regulatory regime will remain intact. However, co-management may result in increased Aboriginal participation in both the use and management of the resource.

This thesis presents a catch allocation model that was developed for J.S. McMillan Fisheries, Ltd. A linear program (LP) was developed to allocate chum salmon catches of variable size to a set of end products, where both the input salmon and output products are differentiated based on strict physical characteristics and quality requirements. The LP is designed to maximise the net profit of a catch subject to constraints on processing line capacity, market orders, and an upper boundary on production. A decision support tool was built around the LP model to facilitate user-directed reporting and updating of model parameters. The decision tool was shown to improve the structuring of the decision process, decrease the company's reliance on expert knowledge in making the catch allocation decision, as well as significantly decrease the time investment in the decision process.

Both the use of and jurisdiction over fisheries resources is an important issue for many First Nations in British Columbia. Historically, fish played an important spiritual, social and economic role in numerous Aboriginal societies. These societies had various methods of managing the resource and, although they had the technological capacity to over-exploit the fisheries, they were able to maintain sustainable levels of fish. Following contact with European settlers, Aboriginal fishers were initially able to continue their traditional methods of fishing as well as expand their use of the fisheries through trade with non- Aboriginals. However, with the opening of the canneries on the coast the fisheries grew in economic importance to non-Aboriginal fishers and management of the resource was gradually but systematically taken over by the state, with various ideologies being used to justify the take-over. Aboriginal fishers lost not only their control over management of the resource, but also their ability to use it as extensively as they once had. Over the years, Aboriginal participation in both the food and commercial fisheries has declined although various government-sponsored programs have been initiated to attempt, with only partial success, to remedy this problem. In the meantime, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans has been battling other problems in the commercial fisheries, including over-capitalization of the fleet and depletion of fish stocks. Management of salmon in particular, because it is an anadromous species which travels through several different jurisdictions, has become extremely complex. It is in this context that much litigation over Aboriginal fishing has been launched. Only a few of the issues have been clarified by the judgments which have resulted and certain myths and ideologies have surfaced repeatedly in many of the decisions. It is likely that the recent decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada on Aboriginal commercial and management rights will result in increased complexity and political controversy. However, problems of fisheries management, including the accommodation of Aboriginal interests, is not unique to British Columbia or even Canada. Similar problems have been experienced elsewhere in the world and various types of co-management regimes have been established in various jurisdictions in an attempt to deal with some of these issues and to recognize a greater role for Aboriginal fishers and communities in fisheries management. It is not clear whether, and to what extent, comanagement will be adopted in British Columbia, or what the role of Aboriginal fishers might be in such a regime. Even if co-management is established, it is highly probable that the state's underlying regulatory regime will remain intact. However, co-management may result in increased Aboriginal participation in both the use and management of the resource. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate