This study examines the fishing industry in British Columbia and finds that it is failing to provide fishermen with incomes comparable to those available in other seasonal occupations in the province. Because of the common-property status of the fishery resource and the fact that access to that resource is virtually unlimited, there has been excessive investment of capital and labour at the primary level of the industry. In this situation net returns to fishermen are seriously depressed. This problem is further complicated by the fact that most fishermen have limited occupational mobility. It is suggested that this combination of low incomes and occupational immobility produces frustration which leads to serious unrest among the fishermen. While the source of the income problem lies largely in the common-property status of the fishery resource, this is not immediately apparent to the fishermen. They feel that their poor incomes are a reflection of the inadequacy of the prices they receive for their catch. Thus, their financial relations with the fish processing companies become the focus of their discontent. However, as long as the fundamental problem of unrestricted entry remains unresolved, there will be continued industrial unrest. Assuming this to be true, it is further suggested that the prevailing atmosphere of discontent and conflict will be favourable to the growth of radical ideologies and the emergence of radical leaders in fishermen's unions. In support of these hypotheses, evidence is presented of the high level of conflict between the fishermen and the processing companies, and of the radical left-wing orientation of fishermen's unions in British Columbia. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Decertification is a legal term implying the dissolution of a unit of unionized employees. Just as a certification legally establishes a unionized unit of employees, a decertification eradicates the legal collective rights of the unit. This thesis examines the issue of decertification and why decertification occurs. The data is based on 43 cases of decertification in the Province of British Columbia, Canada. All the research was done by personal interviews. For each case of decertification, employers, union officials and neutral parties were asked to comment. The data was used to reconstruct the events within each case and isolate the characteristics of those involved. Most decertifications involved unskilled workers employed by small companies. The companies experience average turnover and are mostly in the manufacturing and service industries of the B.C. economy. The unions which experienced decertification are very large for B.C. and represent many small units. The unions are mostly industrial or miscellaneous locals. The employers' desire to break the certification and the unions' response to the employers' influence are the key features of decertification. The employers used a large array of tactics to break the union. At times the tactics were very subtle, such as employer comments and in other cases, the employer dismissed employees for their union activity. Because the units were very small, the union local assigned them a low priority to union resources. In many cases the union did not resist the employers' influence and a decertification resulted. In some cases, the union spent a great deal of resources to preserve the unit but employer influence in conjunction with turnover of staff resulted in the decertification. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

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This dissertation examines the role of organized labour in governing relations in post- Fordist networked industrial districts within the context of three such sector-districts concentrated in the south-west corner of the Canadian province of British Columbia. It discusses the impact of this role on relational structures and behavioural patterns within these industries and on sector-district performance in the marketplace. It thereby builds upon the scholarly research which followed Piore and Sabel's (1984) popularization of the so-called neo- Marshallian Industrial Districts (MIDs) of the ‘Third Italy'. The study begins with a historical review of labour's influence on the evolution of production organization and institutional governance from the initial emergence of production for the market up to the current era. This review both demonstrates the significant influence of labour on the evolution of market oriented production regimes and provides a broader historical perspective for the analysis of the three cases. These case- studies use primary documentation and interview transcripts to expose the historical source and contemporary practice of labour's normative place in production organization and institutional governance in contemporary 'network systems of industrial governance' (Hollingsworth, Schmitter and Streeck 1994). Labour's roles in these three sector-districts are compared with each other and with an idealized network construct, both to further illuminate and explain the variable outcome and to illustrate possible avenues for institutional reform. The insight acquired into labour's role in the network model will contribute not just to a better understanding of the future of industrial relations in this emergent system. It will also contribute to the broader, related study of the nature of sociopolitical organization and institutional governance in the encompassing community.

This dissertation examines the role of organized labour in governing relations in post- Fordist networked industrial districts within the context of three such sector-districts concentrated in the south-west corner of the Canadian province of British Columbia. It discusses the impact of this role on relational structures and behavioural patterns within these industries and on sector-district performance in the marketplace. It thereby builds upon the scholarly research which followed Piore and Sabel's (1984) popularization of the so-called neo- Marshallian Industrial Districts (MIDs) of the ‘Third Italy'. The study begins with a historical review of labour's influence on the evolution of production organization and institutional governance from the initial emergence of production for the market up to the current era. This review both demonstrates the significant influence of labour on the evolution of market oriented production regimes and provides a broader historical perspective for the analysis of the three cases. These case- studies use primary documentation and interview transcripts to expose the historical source and contemporary practice of labour's normative place in production organization and institutional governance in contemporary 'network systems of industrial governance' (Hollingsworth, Schmitter and Streeck 1994). Labour's roles in these three sector-districts are compared with each other and with an idealized network construct, both to further illuminate and explain the variable outcome and to illustrate possible avenues for institutional reform. The insight acquired into labour's role in the network model will contribute not just to a better understanding of the future of industrial relations in this emergent system. It will also contribute to the broader, related study of the nature of sociopolitical organization and institutional governance in the encompassing community. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The period under study is the formative period of working-class political action in this province. The conditions and events of this time form the foundation upon which the Socialist Party of Canada, the Federated Labor Party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and the Labor Progressive Party grew to be important factors in British Columbia affairs. Consideration of this period is therefore highly relevant to any evaluation or assessment of these organizations. The wage-workers of British Columbia began to organize into unions in significant numbers in the 1880's. Being concerned with improving their lot as workers, some of the unionists turned toward the idea of taking class action on the political field in order to obtain favorable legislation. In the economic sphere, the main complaint of the workers during this period was that the many Chinese in the province worked long hours for low wages, and thus tended to lower the living standards of those who had to compete with them. Another complaint with economic as well as political aspects was that much of the land and resources of British Columbia had been alienated to such corporations as the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway. In their political action the workers demanded a solution of these grievances, and in the case of the latter were strongly attracted to the doctrine of "single tax." They also expressed a wish for government-sponsored arbitration and conciliation procedures which would settle labor-management disputes in a peaceful manner. The demands for political reform were occasioned by the use of government in the interests of the wealthy element of the community, and were very much influenced by American and socialist ideas. The basic principle involved was that of “direct democracy”, including the initiative, referendum, and recall, and it persisted throughout the whole period in various forms. The first election to be contested by labor candidates was the provincial election of 1886. Pour candidates ran in Victoria and Nanaimo, and all were defeated. At this time the Knights of Labor was at the peak of its power. The organization soon declined, and its place was occupied in most cases by trade unions. In 1890 the Nanaimo miners' union succeeded in electing two members to the British Columbia legislature. Although these members were unable to carry through any of their own measures, their presence led to the passage of a mechanics' lien law and an arbitration and conciliation act. In 1894 the miners’ candidates were defeated but the Nationalist Party of Vancouver, a labor organization, succeeded in getting Robert Macpherson elected. Although not always strictly a labor representative, Macpherson was generally a protagonist of the cause of labor. In the 1896 federal election the Nationalists also initiated the successful candidature of Rev. George R. Maxwell, who remained in parliament until his death in 1902. In 1898 Nanaimo labor recovered part of the lost ground by electing Ralph Smith to Victoria. Smith changed to the federal field in 1900, was elected, and remained in parliament until 1911. However, he was very closely linked to the Liberal Party, and in 1902 was repudiated by the Nanaimo miners. The 1900 provincial election was the high point of labor political action in this period. Labor Candidates with reform programs appeared in Vancouver and Nanaimo. The Western Federation of Miners in the southern Interior supported non-labor candidates pledged to defend the new eight-hour law for metal-miners. All the W.F.M.-backed candidates and one Nanaimo labor man were elected. This election saw the first appearance of the term "Socialist” as the official designation of a candidate — Will MacClain. The period 1900-1906 witnessed the decline of reformist ”laborism” and the rise of socialism as a political force in the province, culminating in the capture of a Labor Party convention by members of the Socialist Party of Canada. A study of this period has a special relevance to the present political situation in British Columbia. We are now in a time of re-alignment and re-orientation of political forces, the understanding of which demands an appraisal of past political changes. The events and situations recounted and analyzed here, since they are concerned with a period of political experimentation, may afford us useful light on present changes. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The scope of this work has been limited to a discussion of employer-employee relationships in the field of metal mining and does not include consideration of labour problems in connection with the production of coal, non-metallic ores, or structural materials. The Introductory part deals with the early history of gold, mining and the subsequent discovery and development of the base-metal resources of the province. In this connection, a study is made of the geographical distribution and extent of these natural resources. A series of charts indicate* the locations of the major producing areas within British Columbia. The expansion of the industry through the years is now considered and developments are traced leading to the present scale of operations. Comparative graphs are presented indicating production scales, average price movements and employment statistics with regard to each of the major metals produced in the province. Attention is now directed to the development of trade unionism in the industry. This deals with the early history of the Western Federation of Miners and the later growth of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, which now represents organized labour in the metal mines. The role of government in labour relations is shown to be an important factor. A study is made of the effects of such legislative enactments, as, the Industrial Disputes investigation Act, the Wartime. Labour Relations Regulations Act (P.O.1003), and the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act of British Columbia. Under the provisions of the last-mentioned act, which provides definite procedures for collective bargaining, some eighteen agreements are now in effect. Two of these actual agreements between the union and major producers have been made the subject for special study in the presentation of this phase of the subject. The strike record of the industry is now dealt with and the account of events leading up to the strike of 1946 among the gold producers is presented as being illustrative of the procedures followed. The present impasse of 1948 involving the same producers is shown to be an aftermath of the 1946 dispute. The discussion is concluded with an appraisal of present working conditions obtaining in the industry and current trends and indications are considered which would appear to have a bearing on future employer-employee relationships and the general welfare of the labour force, in the metal-mining industry. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate