Following the trends of the Globalization, the principles of Nondiscrimination, Transparency and Rule of Law, are all becoming the core principles of globalized norms of economic regulation, which have always known to be associated with GATT and the World Trade Organization (WTO). Following the accession of the People's Republic of China to the WTO, it is well understood that the requirements for the conformity of laws and regulations inside and outside of China to WTO are high, especially in terms of the conformity of China's regulatory system of economic regulations to WTO's Principles of national treatment, transparency, and rule of law. This paper will examine the conformity of WTO's Principles of National Treatment, Transparency, and Rule of Law with China's regulatory system of economic regulation, especially with a focus on the compliance of globalized norms of economic regulation with China's local norms and local values, and the legal and political culture. At the same time, this paper aims to discover the institutional approaches that protect and facilitate judicial independence. Attention is also paid to the influences of the institutions system on impartiality and accountability of judicial practice through facilitating judicial independence.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.

This study has explored the public diplomacy activity performed by the Russian government and other organizations to improve Russia’s image as an investment destination and to attract U.S. direct investment in January – December 2010. This period was marked with the increase in investment promotion activity of the Russian government and other interested institutions. The main method used in the work is an exploratory case study of Russia’s public diplomacy efforts aimed to establish a positive investment image of Russia among U.S. investors. The investigation was based on the case studies of 5 public diplomacy events: the Russia Forum 2010, the announcement of creating the Skolkovo innovation center, the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s visit to the United States, and the Global Innovation Partnerships Forum in honor of the visit of the U.S. trade delegation led by California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to Russia. The study analyzed the major players in the Russian public diplomacy aimed at attracting U.S. investment such as the Russian government, private sector players (investment banks), business associations, American public officials and business climate evaluators. Major strategies employed by the public diplomacy players were identified as alliances, third-party endorsements, audience participation and media relations. The work also examined the effectiveness of Russian public diplomacy players’ media relations to improve Russia’s image as investment destination through the content analysis of the coverage of Russia in the U.S. media. Public diplomacy activities that received more media coverage among the analyzed events involved the participation of high-ranking Russian officials, participation of U.S. public officials and announcement of new investment policies as well as deals reached by Russia and U.S. investors / Department of Journalism

The purpose of this study was to analyze, using a medium term scenario of three years, the impact 9f the Baker Plan on the economies of fifteen debt laden countries. A central argument of this scenario was to assess whether growth and creditworthiness would be restored in these countries. A model using projections of debt service, imports, exports and capital requirements was developed to test these variables. Baker's package of $29 billion over three years (1985-1988) was contrasted with the model projections. The findings showed that, in the short-term, Baker's proposal will fall short of restoring growth and creditworthiness. However, the supply side policies suggested by Baker Initiative are the right way to go if the indebted countries are to resume growth and creditworthiness in the long run.

Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.

This study is about foreign policy-making in Namibia from independence, 1990 to 2008, which is based on Liberalism as an approach to the study of International Relations. Namibia’s foreign policy has three main themes, namely the promotion of world peace, economic diplomacy and South-South cooperation. The domestic actors of Namibia’s foreign policy are the President, Minister of Foreign Affairs and other Government Ministries. Former President Nujoma is pragmatic and persuasive, while President Pohamba maintains a reserved approach. Other domestic actors such as the Parliament, opposition parties and civil society organisations have not been effective in influencing Namibia’s foreign policy-making. Although Namibia is a small state her foreign policy is successful contrary to the traditional perspectives of small states’ foreign policies. Namibia has played an active role in regional and international organisations and maintained a wider scope of foreign policy. Namibia has 24 diplomatic Missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and America. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International politics)

A major aim of many international organizations is to support development in member countries but despite the importance of this objective in international relations and international cooperation, there are surprisingly few evaluations regarding the effectiveness of development assistance as perceived by recipients. This study, which was conducted using qualitative research methods, addresses the issue as it applies to Seychelles and the Commonwealth. The focus of the Modern Commonwealth, an association of 54 countries, is to fulfil the agenda of member countries as stated in periodic declarations of heads of states. The association has been particularly active, and vocal, in supporting small, least developed, and vulnerable states, including small island developing states. The Republic of Seychelles, a member of the Commonwealth since 1976, is a microstate with limited resources to support national development. Relying heavily on overseas development aid, then on commercial loans, the country attained remarkable levels of socio-economic development despite reaching the verge of bankruptcy in 2008 – when help was sought from the IMF. The continued existence of deep political dissensions has also earned it the label of „unquiet islands‟. Despite considerable support received from the Commonwealth, few individuals in positions of responsibility in Seychelles think that this assistance has had an impact on the country‟s development. Commonwealth support in areas which could potentially change the future of the islands, such as maritime boundaries and petroleum prospecting, are generally invisible to most. It is clear that some Commonwealth assistance is visionary and sustained but according to recipients in Seychelles, the bulk of it falls short of expectations. This perception is due mostly to the inability of people in-country to connect with the Commonwealth or to understand how the Commonwealth functions. Commonwealth officials also seem unaware of the effects of their assistance programmes on intended recipients in Seychelles. The study reveals that communication systems that are inclusive rather than exclusive, approaches that show sensitivity to national context, and a focus on relationship-building, could improve both the content and relevance of the assistance provided by an international organization as well as recipients‟ perception of the value of this assistance. / Development Studies / D. Litt et Phil. (Development Studies)

This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.

There has been a long search for the keys to development and economic growth in Africa. This study investigates the relationship between FDI and economic growth over the period 2000-2012 using data from 48 African countries. On the aggregate regional level FDI and economic growth were found to be positively correlated during this period. Using panel data econometric techniques and the Panel Granger Causality test, results revealed that a bi-directional causality relationship existed between FDI and GDP. Thus, the results suggest that GDP is a requirement for increased investment, and at the same time is the result of increased foreign investment. Thus, the conclusion is that African policy makers are justified in increasing their attempts to create an attractive business environment for foreign investors, as it is beneficial for economic growth.

This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.