Thesis (M.S.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-119).

In this study, the newspapers such as H&uuml / rriyet, Milliyet, Radikal, Posta, AkSam, Sabah, Cumhuriyet, Star, G&uuml / neS, Takvim, D&uuml / nya, G&ouml / zc&uuml / and Yeni Asir are considered liberal or left leaning. The newspapers such as Akit, Milli Gazete, Yeni Asya, Anayurt, T&uuml / rkiye, Yeni Safak, D&uuml / nden Bug&uuml / ne Terc&uuml / man, Vakit and Zaman are considered conservative or Islamic newspapers. The period chosen for this analysis is between 28.12.1998 and 15.06.2006, and all the news items published in this period are scrutinised in the archive of the Parliament Library, where there is a special category for the news on homosexuality and homosexuals. First, the news items of the newspapers mentioned above are categorised as presented in the tables prepared. Through these tables, a general perspective on the press coverage in Turkey is revealed by the analysis of the evaluations of the general features of this coverage on homosexuality and homosexuals. Second, an extensive textual analysis is carried out by analysing the news texts regarding three common events covered in most of the newspapers mentioned above to reflect a more accurate and detailed account of the representation of homosexuality and homosexuals in the Turkish Daily Press. Moreover, in-depth interviews are conducted with homosexuals to find out their point of view on the portrayal of themselves in the Turkish Daily Press. Finally, the findings of the analysis of the press coverage of homosexuality and homosexuals, and the findings of the interviews are compared.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-170). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Texas, August, 2009. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-75).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Apr. 30, 2006). Advisor: Vincent Roscigno, Dept. of Sociology. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 138-150).

This dissertation examines the intersections of urban redevelopment and sexual politics in San Francisco from the first calls for a comprehensive land-use plan in the early 1940s to the highpoint of landscape destruction in the mid 1960s. During the war years, city leaders and prominent citizens compiled and prioritized a list of postwar planning projects that included improvements to the mass transit system, redevelopment of the downtown waterfront, and expansion of the city’s tourism and convention facilities. The footprint of these projects necessitated the destruction of significant elements of the built environment, including cable car lines, low rent hotels, industrial zones, and nighttime entertainment districts. After the war, civic leaders, elected officials, business interests and newspaper publishers attempted to rally support for these projects and searched for new ways to assert control over the urban landscape. San Franciscans, however, resisted significant components of the post-war civic improvement program by mobilizing against plans to replace cable cars with buses, by voting down schemes to redevelop the waterfront, and by blocking efforts to expand the freeway network. In this larger context, gays and lesbians in San Francisco in the early 1960s organized as a response to displacement from the low-rent hotel and bar districts on the edge of an expanding downtown. Specific examples of the loss of gay social spaces due to redevelopment pressures include the destruction of a popular gay bar to make way for a new airline bus terminal; the acquisition and razing of several businesses on the waterfront that hosted a thriving gay subculture; and the closure of a gay-oriented movie house after it aroused the ire of neighborhood activists in the Haight Ashbury district. This dissertation builds on previous work that examines the cultural politics of urban landscape change, as well as literature on the formation of urban sexuality-base subcultures to argue that the material transformation of urban space played a fundamental role in the emergence of contemporary notions of sexual difference. / text

This thesis deals with gay identity politics and its relation to the Zionist ethos as it is portrayed in several Israeli films. It primarily analyzes two different points of view of two film directors whose homosexuality plays a central role in their cinematic work – Amos Gutman and Eytan Fox – and examines the way they perceive their gay lived experience. Analyzing Gutman’s Drifting (1983), Bar 51 (1985), and Himmo, King of Jerusalem (1987), I show how he encloses himself in his own queer universe and demands to be acknowledged as such, practicing his authenticity separately from the hegemonic discourse. On the other hand, the sexual politics in Fox’s Yossi & Jagger (2002) and Yossi (2012), suggests that homosexual men should join the national hegemonic space while ignoring their otherness. Since the films in question use the Zionist narrative and the national identity of their protagonists as points of reference, these two approaches are discussed in relation to the Zionist ethos. Several other films with similar points of reference are analyzed as well, including Fox’s Time Off (1990), Walk on Water (2004) and The Bubble (2006), Dan Wolman’s Hide & Seek (1979), Ayelet Menachemi’s Crows (1987), Nadav Gal’s A Different War (2003), Yair Hochner’s Good Boys (2005), and Mysh Rozanov’s Watch over Me (2010). Discussing the Zionist ethos, I emphasize Daniel Boyarin’s concept of the parallel between Jewishness, queerness, and abnormality. I show how the Zionist yearning for normalcy (the wish ‘to be like all nations’) and the identification of the homosexual as abnormal are embodied in the cinematic representations. The analysis in this thesis is mainly based on queer theory, as it strives to deconstruct and destabilize the traditional binaries of heterosexuality and show how the hegemonic discourse is based on those limited binaries. It challenges any political discourse that by naturalizing heterosexuality enforces heteronormative practices. By highlighting queer marginality in the cinematic text and linking it with elements of post-colonial theory and its analysis of the other, I show how gay identity politics discourse subverts or yields to the Zionist ethos. / text

published_or_final_version / Comparative Literature / Master / Master of Philosophy

In this thesis I explore the implications of the extension of 'spousal' status to samesex couples from the perspective of queer people who experience intersectional or complex oppression. This study is grounded in a rejection of the necessity or efficacy of attempting to understanding the oppressions facing queer people from only one perspective. I reject the notion that such a simplistic approach to understanding oppression is conceptually honest. Put simply, I argue that what is often characterised as a purely 'gay and lesbian' approach to reform—namely, the consideration of only oppression related to 'sexual orientation' or 'heterosexism'—is in reality the prioritisation of the limited perspective of those who only experience systemic disadvantage related to their race. These people are a small minority of queer people. Unlike many other academics and activists, I do not conclude with a 'yes' or 'no' response to the question of whether same-sex spousal status should be sought. The analysis presented in this thesis does not permit such a final conclusion for three reasons. First, I argue that the implications of the extension of spousal status vary depending on the institutional context; in other words, the extension of spousal status is very different in the context of social assistance law as compared to the provision of employment-related benefits. Secondly, I argue that the extension of spousal status also varies among queer people; for example, the implications of the extension of spousal status to poor queers are vastly different from those who are wealthy. Thirdly, I argue that the decision to support the extension of spousal status to same-sex couples is inherently political; this decision cannot be immunised from political challenge on the basis that it is derived from some allegedly objective legal or socio-scientific calculus. Although I have endeavoured adopt a inter-disciplinary approach, this thesis does focus on legal rights discourse. To my mind, this focus is appropriate given the emphasis on 'rights talk' and the assumed benefits of formal equality within the community of academics and activists working on queer issues. In various parts of this thesis, I focus on the approaches of activists, academics, judges and legislators to the issue of the rights of queer people and the nature of equality. Ultimately, I conclude that until we begin to appreciate the complexity of the oppressions facing queer people, and avoid the false prioritisation of a 'purely gay and lesbian oppression' perspective, we will be unable to work in coalition or to effect progressive social change.