Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Leipzig, 1914. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [7]-8).

Inaug.-Diss.--Halle. / Lebenslauf. "Die vollständige Dissertation mit einer Karte und 6 Plänen ist gleichzeitig ... erschienen." "Verzeichnis des benutzten Materials und der Literatur": p. vii-x.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1973. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 294-301). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.

This is a study of political violence in the Nazi rise and seizure of power at local and regional levels. Its subject is the SA in the former eastern regions of Germany - East Prussia, Pomerania, Silesia and the Border Province of Posen and West Prussia. The thesis is organised thematically, but within a rough chronological framework, and falls essentially into four parts. The first offers background, by examining social, economic and political conditions in eastern Germany during the Weimar Republic and then discussing the rise of the Nazi movement there. The second concerns the SA itself its composition, the nature of membership in the organisation, its relationship to other components of the Nazi movement and to the Reichswehr. The third, the core of this study, is a detailed analysis of SA violence and terror, both in the rise of the Nazi movement and the seizure of power. Finally, the fourth deals with the SA after the seizure of power, the failure of the SA to find a new political role, and the purge in 1934. In conclusion it is argued that the violence of the storm troopers, while ideally suited to attacking the Nazis' political opponents, eventually undermined the position of the SA. After the seizure of power, the SA no longer served a useful purpose for the Nazi leadership, and it fell easy victim to the SS during the purge.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 286-300).

The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia. By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar". / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Univ., Diss.--Kiel, 2003. / Literaturverz. S. 234 - 241.

Univ., Diss.--Frankfurt (Main), 2003. / Literaturverz. S. [317] - 356.