The study of emotion in psychology and philosophy has seen major advancements in the last twenty years. This has included a new emphasis on the strong cognitive element that is present in all emotions. In large part, this dissertation is an attempt to bring the valuable findings of recent research to our understanding of emotion in the New Testament. The stated goal is to understand, in a broad sense, the use of emotion in the New Testament and how the writers perceived it. To this end, the writer surveys the ideas about emotion that were present in the Greco-Roman world, the Old Testament, and Intertestamental Judaism. The understanding of emotion by some important figures in church history is also studied. This background is then used to gain insight into the use of emotion in the New Testament. Specific, basic emotions are analyzed in the text; including love, joy, hope, jealousy, fear, anger, hatred, and sorrow. This is not a series of articles in the pattern of TDNT, but rather an analysis of emotion in general that uses specific emotions to study the subject in the New Testament. Interwoven into this study is a critique of the understanding of emotion that is predominant in New Testament studies. It is concluded that the New Testament has an appropriate and vital place for emotion in the Christian life. New Testament ethics, interpretation, and theology have often de-emphasized emotion, and this has been a mistake. A strong argument for the importance of emotion in the interpretation of the New Testament is made.

This article is introduced with a statement about the author’s involvement with El Greco studies and her attempts to understand the manifestation of mysticism in his art. The research focusses on the visual experience of two different kinds of beholders in El Greco’s oeuvre: the virtual backturned figures in paintings beholding a vision as part of the representations, and the beholders in real space viewing the complete paintings. The presentation in each of the seven works discussed is mediated by an internal backturned beholder, forming a nodal figure in the composition, who views a mystical vision as the main theme presented in the painting, while the beholder in real space views the beholding backturned figure, his vision and the total composition.

In the past 30 years, scholars have explored the role that individual goods played in the organization of Late Bronze Age (LBA) political economies in Greece. The goods that are studied, however, are typically wealth items like perfumed oil. This dissertation presents a new view of Mycenaean economic structures by introducing evidence from cooking ware vessels. Despite their ubiquitous nature, cooking ware vessels are often overlooked by classical archaeologists because they lack the visual appeal that is characteristic of decorated fine ware vessels. Previous scholarship on the topic of Mycenaean cooking wares is rare, though the work of scholars such as Julie Hruby and Bartlomiej Lis have made great strides in aiding our understanding of these vessels. This dissertation serves as a remedy for the scarcity of studies on cooking ware vessels and their significance in interpreting the political economies of Late Helladic (LH) Greece. In particular, I focus on identifying the scope of palatial involvement that existed in the production, distribution, and consumption of Mycenaean cooking pots throughout the Argolid and Corinthia. In order to investigate the importance of cooking ware vessels in Mycenaean Greece I develop a conceptual framework that implements scientific analyses. This directly challenges the assumption that all cooking ware vessels were utilitarian goods and, therefore, must have been produced by small-scale, independent workshops. To form my model I use theoretical constructs established by Cathy Costin and Michael Galaty. These two scholars closely analyzed the characteristics of different contexts of production, such as independent and attached workshops. My own model considers these hypotheses and builds upon them, using several variables to determine how Mycenaean cooking ware vessels functioned in the political economy. These variables include vessels’ use, the source of clay or rock fragments found within the vessels’ fabrics, and the quantities of cooking vessels found at the site. Throughout this dissertation I examine the diachronic patterns of production and exchange of cooking ware vessels at five LBA sites in the Argolid and Corinthia: Kalamianos, the East Alley deposit at Korakou, Petsas House at Mycenae, Stiri, and the ``Potter's Shop'' at Zygouries. This includes analyzing the chronological and geographical distribution of specific cooking ware vessel fabrics and identifying specific production techniques. These five sites represent different periods of occupation (short- to long-term), sizes of assemblages (from small, domestic quantities to large stockpiles of ceramics), and types of study (survey and excavation). Patterns and trends are identified using stylistic, macroscopic, petrographic, and chemical analyses on cooking ware. Stylistic studies of vessels made with this ware type are uncommon, and in this dissertation I seek to develop a typology of shapes to encourage future study of these vessels. Macroscopic analysis considers the aspects of cooking ware that can be recognized with the naked eye, assisting in identifications made in museums and in the field. Petrographic and chemical analyses (specifically Neutron Activation Analysis) were used in order to refine the information assembled through macroscopic study. The results of these analyses are then applied to my theoretical model in order to identify the form of production and exchange of cooking ware vessels, in particular whether a workshop was attached to a palace or elite group and if redistribution was a mode of exchange for these goods. This type of comprehensive, interdisciplinary, and multi-step approach to these vessels is rare among Mycenaean cooking ware vessel studies. Using the conceptual framework that I developed for this project, I was able to conclude that the fabric, shape, and use of cooking ware vessels are, in fact, important indicators of different economic and political situations in Mycenaean Greece, especially when such vessels are used in elite feasting events. I argue that these vessels were transformed into politically charged goods when they were used in such occasions, which are important events that serve a pivotal role in creating social and political alliances, conveying relationships of indebtedness, and generating wealth, prestige, and power. Through this study it is apparent large quantities of specialized cooking vessels attest to the interest elites had in acquiring these vessels (perhaps through taxation methods, rather than redistribution). These institutions, however, were not concerned with controlling their production. Furthermore, I argue that my model serves as an effective method for reaching these conclusions, emphasizing the potential cooking ware vessels have for identifying the strategies used by elite members of Mycenaean society as they gained and maintained control over their political, economic, and social world. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Fall Semester 2016. / October 21, 2016. / ceramic analysis, cooking vessels, Mycenaean civilization, neutron activation analysis, petrographic analysis, political economy / Includes bibliographical references. / Daniel J. Pullen, Professor Directing Dissertation; Leroy Odom, University Representative; Nancy De Grummond, Committee Member; Christopher Pfaff, Committee Member; Kim Shelton, Committee Member; Thomas J. Tartaron, Committee Member.

In this study, I reconsider the term, "Mycenaean," and its social significance. As a starting point, I utilize the essential qualities of the term's definition: a group of individuals living in mainland Greece during the Late Helladic period. Because the use of this term implicitly distinguishes the organization of such individuals from the previous and subsequent epochs, I also seek a social group that was organized uniquely relative to the periods that bookend it. With this stated goal, I consider identity during a broad chronological period, Early Helladic III to Protogeometric, in mainland Greece and compare the reconstructed social networks diachronically. In order to identify past social groups, I develop a new methodology that employs a behavioral approach to the analysis of domestic architecture. The integration of social groups is maintained by the performance and recognition of shared practices in the context and environment of interaction among the members. Thus, a high degree of correspondence of behaviors related to the daily lived-in environment, i.e. domestic architecture, can reveal networks of individuals constituting a daily social group. With this, I examine 458 domestic structures excavated in mainland Greece each for evidence of 180 individual aspects of architectural construction and spatial organization. I then consider the overall correspondence of such direct behaviors and behavior-guiding attributes, together named Behavioral Aspects, and the mean values for individual construction techniques. With these data, I reconstruct social networks during each phase of the study period and comment on social organization and architectural change during the study period. In the end, I identify a Late Helladic social group that is uniquely organized relative to the preceding and subsequent epochs. In Late Helladic II to Late Helladic IIIC, individuals in mainland Greece become integrated into a single social group. Prior to this period, the behavioral correspondence analysis indicates the existence of two separate social groups that cohabitated many settlements. These groups were most distinct in Early Helladic III, but became increasingly integrated over time. Following the Late Helladic IIIC period there is a demonstrable fragmentation of the social network and a different spatial organization of the domestic architecture. This suggests a social crisis of some sort and the incorporation of new behaviors and perceptions of built space during the Protogeometric period. Such a sudden process of change appears to be the result of multiple causes, including isolation, population movement, and the introduction of outside groups. With all of this considered, the unified social network and conservatism of building traditions in LH II to LH IIIC attest to a unique social organization and stable social relations within mainland Greece, qualities of the defined "Mycenaean" social group. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2016. / February 25, 2016. / Bronze Age Greece, Domestic Architecture, Greek Archaeology, Greek Architecture, Identity, Mycenaean / Includes bibliographical references. / Daniel Pullen, Professor Directing Dissertation; Jack Freiberg, University Representative; Christopher Pfaff, Committee Member; Andrea De Giorgi, Committee Member.

This study examines the commercial architecture of Athens and Corinth during the Roman period (ca. 200 BCE to ca. 330 CE). Excavated buildings are catalogued, divided into types by their architectural characteristics, and analyzed for differences between building types and across time. The economic impact of each building type is then assessed in a framework inspired by New Institutional Economics by showing how each would have functioned to lessen transaction costs. The patterns which emerge from this analysis are significant for our understanding of economic and social changes in Greece in the Roman period. First, there is a general trend over time for the size of commercial buildings to increase while the footprint of the units within them decreases. The layout of the units shifts as well: units which are wider than they are deep are replaced by units which are deeper than they are wide, thus maximizing the number of units per building which could front onto the street or colonnaded aisle. At the same time, the doorways of the units, where preserved, become wider than they had been in earlier buildings. All of these features denote an increase in economic competition and an attempt to reduce the transaction costs of search and inspection. The smaller, independent buildings in which production and retail once took place also disappear and are replaced by Attached and Terrace Shops, where commerce is incorporated into a larger building. The collapse of these smaller, independent structures in favor of larger establishments parallels the disappearance of small farms in the countryside and their replacement by larger villas or latifundia. In the city as in the country, these trends are evidence for an increasing concentration of wealth in the form of property ownership. Simultaneously, the evidence for craft production within the buildings decreases. Where many of the earlier buildings seem to have been occupied by craftsmen-retailers, the later buildings are more likely to have been dedicated to retail alone. If craft production no longer took place on site, at a minimum retailers would have been more dependent on wider systems of production and distribution to acquire stock for sale. It is possible that this dependency was not merely between city center shops and producers at the edge of the city, but across wider distances – that is, a greater dependency on regional and interregional trade. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / 2019 / October 7, 2019. / commercial architecture, market, New Institutional Economics, Roman Greece, shops / Includes bibliographical references. / Christopher A. Pfaff, Professor Directing Dissertation; David B. Levenson, University Representative; Trevor S. Luke, Committee Member; James P. Sickinger, Committee Member.

Though previous scholarship has placed emphasis on the anti-familial rhetoric employed by ancient Christians, Christian discourse on motherhood was actually quite mixed. I demonstrate this point by examining specific representations of motherhood in fourth-century Latin sources. In the first and last chapters, I look at the use of motherhood in figurative language, especially as it was used to understand the nature of God and the character of women's asceticism. Though one might expect some Christians to have excluded motherhood from their frame of reference, even the most strident proponents of asceticism used motherhood to "think with," suggesting the appropriation of motherhood as a Christian means for signification. Other chapters address representations of specific mothers, including Helena, the mother of the emperor Constantine; Monica, the mother of Augustine; and Melania the Elder and Paula, two aristocratic mothers devoted to asceticism. In each instance, Christians offered qualified praise – and, sometimes, qualified criticism – of motherhood as a vocation for Christian women. The result of this study is a more nuanced understanding of Christian motherhood in the fourth century, one that shifts the focus from the repudiation of reproduction and the evils of parenthood to a greater emphasis on the ambiguity of the family. Finally, this provides important insights into the negotiation of the ascendance of asceticism and the melding of Roman and Christian values. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Religion in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2017. / April 5, 2017. / Christianity & the family, late ancient Christianity, motherhood / Includes bibliographical references. / Nicole Kelley, Professor Directing Dissertation; Laurel Fulkerson, University Representative; Matthew Goff, Committee Member; David Levenson, Committee Member.

In the vestry of the cathedral church of Santa Maria in Toledo hangs a large painting by El Greco entitled El Espolio, the ‘Disrobing of Christ’. Executed shortly after his arrival in Spain the painting marks a major stylistic departure from the artist’s earlier work and would command attention on that basis alone. The subject, while iconographically obscure, is, at another remove, utterly familiar as a Passion scene tied to a well known iconographical canon. Compositionally, the Christ figure predominates but the ‘legionnaire’ occupies a contrasting and almost equivalent space in his carapace of steel. These figures beg for further elaboration I will argue that this painting can be read as a nexus between a reformed liturgy and a post-Tridentine programme of Church renewal in Spain allied to a monarchical programme of nación under Philip II (1527-98) that was essentially one and the same. The salient questions needing a response are these: How, in a vestry, can we expect such a subject to have much impact beyond the very limited audience it was designed for? This is the crux of the matter in many ways. What in the painting suggests more than the straightforward analysis of the subject matter? What in the times suggests another reading of this great work of art? The pursuit of the answers to these questions constitutes the driving force behind this investigation. Biography, the intellectual and artistic formation of the artist, are positioned with reference to the intellectual ferment of the period, the religious upheaval iii in Christendom, the advances in the understanding of the nation state. More specifically, the altered relationship between the monarchy and the church in Spain, following the Council of Trent (1545-63)will be shown to have a reflection in El Espolio. El Greco’s work has mostly been treated as the product of a painter of the spirit, of religiosity, even of mysticism. El Espolio has been interpreted here within a broader frame of reference and the argument suggests our understanding of El Greco’s oeuvre has been somewhat narrow. / Thesis (Master, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-15 16:13:04.047

In the 2003 excavation season at Cetamura del Chianti, a mortarium was unearthed which has undergone cleaning, restoration and residue analysis. A mortarium is a vessel used for grinding or mashing food items in conjunction with a grinding implement(pestle).This study will review the mortarium from several aspects: a review of the circumstances of its discovery, a study of the mortarium in Greek and Roman literature to help determine its possible use, a review of mortars in art, and a brief discussion of grinding tools. A discussion of the mortar and its circumstances will help to illuminate the use of this mortarium at Cetamura del Chianti. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art. / Fall Semester, 2007. / April 23, 2007. / Mortar, Mortarium, Etruscan, Ceramics, Cetamura, Pestle / Includes bibliographical references. / Nancy T. de Grummond, Professor Directing Thesis; Daniel J. Pullen, Committee Member; David Stone, Committee Member.

Epicurean philosophy is perhaps best known for its ethical system, which places an emphasis on the pursuit of pleasure and avoidance of pain, and for its removal of the gods from the physical world. While many approaches have been made to interpret Epicureanism through its ethics, I believe that the whole of the Epicurean system of philosophy can be comprehended by a thorough understanding of its epistemology. Using Lucretius' De Rerum Natura, I hope to show that Epicurean thought is based not on ethics but rather on the epistemological claim that the senses cannot be rebutted. In doing so, I will also resolve some of the inherent contradictions that arise from the Epicureans' empirical understanding of the world, such as how the senses can be deceived, and how the world can be comprised of imperceptible atoms. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. / Spring Semester, 2012. / March 26, 2012. / Epicurean, Epicurus, epistemology, ethics, Lucretius / Includes bibliographical references. / Svetla Slaveva-Griffin, Professor Directing Thesis; Timothy Stover, Committee Member; Nathanael Stein, Committee Member.

This dissertation provides a new diachronic history of the Athenian ephebeia, a state-sponsored and -directed system of military training for ephebes. Ephebes at Athens were eighteen- and nineteen-year-old newly enrolled citizens. Young men of this age-class had at times been traditionally responsible for providing military service, the most basic duty of a citizen. In the Lykourgan Period (335/4-322/1 BCE), Athenians created a system that required all able bodied ephebes to submit themselves for two years of military training at Peiraieus and military service in the border fortresses. They established this institution in the wake of the Macedonian conquest of Greece, especially Alexander's destruction of Thebes in 335 BCE. In addition to preparing new Athenian citizens in the military arts, the ephebes of this period participated in Athenian state religion by making a tour of sanctuaries, processing at the Panathenaia and running torch-races at certain festivals. Thus, the institution was situated into the overall goals of the Lykourgan program, namely the revitalization of Athenian military strength, religiosity and patriotism, which had been greatly diminished as a result of their defeat at the hands of Philip II at Chaironeia in 338 BCE. This study also traces the development of the ephebeia from a two-year compulsory institution for all citizens in the Lykourgan Age to a one-year, voluntary system of training for Athens' "civic elites," a transition which occurred sometime after 303 BCE but no later than 267 BCE. This dissertation demonstrates that while its numbers shrank and its members were most likely drawn from the wealthier classes at Athens, its system of training remained military in nature. The Athenians also added certain new responsibilities for its members. Chief among these was the greatly expanded role in Athenian state religion. While ephebes in the Lykourgan Age had participated in a few festivals, the degree was limited due to the fact that removing ephebes en masse from Peiraieus or the border forts was impractical. For the ephebes of the Hellenistic Period, participation in festivals was central. The number of festivals in which they played some role multiplied and eusebeia was added to the list of civic virtues for which the ephebes were praised. This occurred in the Age of Eurykleides and Mikion sometime after the liberation of Athens from Macedonian power soon after 229 BCE. This form of the ephebeia, in which military training remained paramount, continued to 88 BCE. By the last quarter of the second century BCE new features made their first appearance. First, the number of ephebes participating in the institution tripled. The rise in enrollment was most likely connected with the increased prosperity that the Athenians enjoyed as a result of their reacquisition of Delos from the Romans at the end of the Third Macedonian War. Another new feature was the inclusion of foreign youth in the ephebeia. While religious service also remained central to the ephebeia the number of festivals in which the ephebes participated continued to grow. The Athenians also added new responsibilities to the traditional service of its members. Ephebes were now charged with meeting and escorting important foreign travelers visiting Athens, in particular the Romans. In certain years some classes of ephebes were also expected to take philosophical instruction from Athens' resident philosophers, although this was a late development and most likely did not involve lessons in philosophy but the study of literature. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Fall Semester, 2011. / September 9, 2011. / Athens, athletic training, ephebe, ephebeia, Greek religion, military training / Includes bibliographical references. / James P. Sickinger, Professor Directing Dissertation; Nicole Kelley, University Representative; John Marincola, Committee Member; Christopher Pfaff, Committee Member.