Bibliography: leaves 140-149.

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The Rwandan genocide is a complex subject that even works of written historical discourse struggle to explain. Previous filmic studies have primarily focused on three well known Rwandan genocide films, Hotel Rwanda, Shooting Dogs and Sometimes in April; this thesis expands its focus to nine feature films. Genocide films come under immense scrutiny when judged against the events they seek to represent. This scrutiny is accompanied with a misunderstanding of what exactly genocide films are. I will be looking at four thematic topics to alleviate this misunderstanding: how the films represent the history of Rwanda and the genocide; physical violence and death during the genocide; the female experience of the genocide, with an emphasis on sexual violence; and the abandonment of Rwanda by the West, with a focus on afro-pessimism. Through this analysis, I will argue for the value they possess as a medium in being able to not only raise awareness about the genocide, but to also convey salient information, to viewers. Films are not substitutes for written historical discourse but should rather be seen as supplementary educational tools used to enrich the existing canon of work. Once one understands the different judging criteria that should be afforded to genocide films, one will be able to recognise the value they possess.

Bibliography: leaves 95-103. / This dissertation analyses the main environmental problems that were faced during the armed conflict in Mozambique between 1977 to 1992. The subject matter covered by this dissertation is diverse, including the political economy of the Region South of the Save River, the character of armed conflict and the environmental profile on the effects of the conflict in Southern Mozambique. Because when South African regime backed Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO) in the early 1980s, the conflict had escalated in Southern Mozambique, and accelerated environmental problems, combined with natural disasters such as floods and droughts.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-150). / An estimated 18.8 % of South African adults aged 15-49 are currently living with HIV. While HIV literacy campaigns and other strategies have aimed to reduce HIV incidence, there remains a general lack of knowledge of the biomedical nature of the disease. This not only inhibits attempts to reduce HIV transmission, but also discourages voluntary counseling and testing (VCT), accessing clinic care and the uptake of antiretroviral therapy. This dissertation identifies the essential role played by community health workers and treatment activists who offer 'HIV literacy' in their communities and assist the formal health care system. The aim of this study was to complement these initiatives with the development and analysis of a visual and participatory HIV literacy workshop.

This dissertation focuses on assessing and questioning the perceived 'politicisation' of the non-racial South African Council on Sport (SACOS) in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Through an institutional case study of the organisation's largest provincial football association (the Western Province Football Board (WPFB)) and its implementation of the ostensibly political Double Standards resolution, it re-examines the concept that politics captured the sports movement. Instead it is argued that sporting impetuses based in a desire for institutional survival retained primacy within the Board's decision making. In fact primarily, political ideologies were utilised to deliver sporting goals and not the other way around. This analysis is then extrapolated to demonstrate far-reaching conclusions around the relationship of sport and politics, Coloured identity and the meaning of the anti-Apartheid movement.

Besides examining the history of the Teachers' League of South Africa, a specifically coloured teachers' association, during its conservative phase from 1913 to 1940, this thesis in addition attempts to investigate the nature and development of this organization in the context of the wider social dynamic of which it was both part and product. The League is thus not only studied as a professional association but also as a specific constituent of the broader social categories of the coloured elite, the coloured people and South African society. The origins of the T.L.S.A. was rooted in the subordination of peoples of colour in Cape settler society and the development through the 19th century of a segregated education system at the Cape. More immediately, as a result of the social and political consequences of the mineral revolution intensifying racial discrimination against blacks, one of the responses of the coloured elite was the establishment of the League, through the mediation of the African Political Organisation, to protect coloured educational interests, regarded to be crucial to their advancement. The League was a typical embodiment of the assimilationist aspirations and accommodationist strategies that resulted from coloured elite marginality. This is evident in the growth and maturity of the League being largely in response to the progressive and systematic enforcement of segregation against coloureds over this period. More significantly, the League fully accepted white middle class values and codes of behaviour and its organizational life was dominated by the striving to conform to these norms. The League also displayed the essential powerlessness of the coloured elite as its representative in the tripartite contest with the Education Department and churches to influence the direction of coloured education. The interstitial position of the coloured elite in South African society was manifested by the League contradicting its basic principle of non-racism by the qualified acceptance of coloured inferiority and trying to use its closer assimilation to Western culture to claim a position of relative privilege for coloureds vis-a-vis Africans. It is apparent that at all levels of its existence the League was captive to its coloured identity and status.

This paper explores the history of Namaqualand and specifically the Komaggas community. By taking note of the major developments that occurred in the area, the effects on this community over the last 200 or so years have been established. The focal point follows the history of land; its usage, dispossession and importance to the survival of Namaqualanders. Using the records of travellers to the region, the views of government officials, local inhabitants as well as numerous analyses of contemporary authors, a detailed understanding of this area has emerged. Among other things, the research has attempted to ascertain whether the current Komaggas community has a claim to a greater portion of land than it currently holds. Overwhelming evidence exists that supports the idea that the Khoi grouping known as the Nama did indeed make use of a large portion of Namaqualand practicing transhumance in order to survive. Centuries of beneficial use led to local systems of understanding whereby certain tribes had predominance in particular areas and assumed a right to these lands through continual usage. Following colonisation, the movement of Europeans away from the original settlement at Cape Town, slowly but steadily began to undermine the original inhabitants of the Cape. While Namaqualand was able to withstand this push longer than other areas by virtue of its location, its inhabitants began to be negatively affected by the 1800s. The Nama began to lose their most important commodity, cattle, suffered disease, and were pushed off their ancestral lands and denied access to water sources. A lack of understanding and rationalisation of aboriginal practices relating to land usage and various other customs, as well as a growing racially-charged landscape meant that the Nama, like other Khoi groups, while not explicitly relegated to second class citizens by government, were certainly not supported or given equal treatment. As Europeans were able to secure title and tenure to the best lands in the region, the Nama were sidelined. When Namaqualand became profitable because of copper in the 1850s, the quest for land became even more fervent. The building of an infrastructure over the next decades would facilitate the diamond industry that began in the 1920s, a defining moment that signalled the end of any autonomy of movement for the people of Komaggas. Apartheid further relegated their position in society and today Komaggas is a poor and underdeveloped place with few prospects. However, given the importance of the land agenda in post-1994 South Africa and the success of the Richtersvelders in gaining compensation for loss of land, there is hope for Komaggas. The evidence will show that the Komaggas community certainly made use of lands outside its current boundaries. Examining the doctrine of aboriginal title it will be argued that they certainly have a claim to some form of land redistribution or restitution. This is based on historical evidence as well as the present need to increase agriculture production and to have access to more land for their livestock.

Bibliography: leaves 69-82. / Waging Peace in Sacred Space ultimately begs the question: """"What does it mean to be a Catholic militant peace?"""" The dissertation tackles this question systematically: in three carefully researched case studies, the ways in which Catholic actors have waged peace in spaces of conflict and war will be explored.