This thesis examines the role of Zhang Yuanji, both as a liberal patriotic reformer in late Qing and as China's leading publisher after 1900. A historical figure hardly known to the West, Zhang contributed substantially to China's modernization in his quiet pragmatic style. When China was challenged by the imperialist West, the response of the nation's scholar-gentry elite ranged from spirited calls for wholesale westernization to a stubborn clinging to the 'national essence'. Individuals at the extremes of this range have received more attention from historians than the middle-of-the-road group of moderates, who in the twentieth century worked for modernization without discarding tradition totally. Zhang Yuanji was a typical figure in this group who attained intellectual maturity under Confucianism and yet was open-minded enough to accept Western philosophies and to adopt Western practices of entrepreneurship. Zhang Yuanji's in tense sense of patriotic obligation to introduce progressive learning for China's benefit while popularizing the best of the classical heritage was coupled with a culturalistic viewpoint that there could be no genuine changes unless a certain percentage of China'S thinking population became modernized in outlook, well-informed of world affairs, and imbued with a progressive spirit. Zhang pioneered in modern education from 1896 and remained a dedicated educationalist all his life. His publishing career in the Commercial Press can be viewed as a logical extension of his early aim of modernizing China through the spread of new knowledge. The history of the Commercial Press and in particular Zhang's part in it have received little scholarly attention, previous treatments of the subject have relied heavily on two official Commercial Press histories and the autobiographical writings of Wang Yunwu, which neglect Zhang's major contributions. The Commercial Press, as the largest publishing house in modern China, was in the forefront of educational, scholarly, and literary development in China from 1900 to the 1950s, and Zhang played a vital role in promoting progressive publications as well as preserving the best editions of classics and histories. Zhang's efforts to run the Commercial Press successfully through all the political upheavals that beset China from late Qing to after 1949 reveal both the scholar's attempts to keep up with all the latest ideological trends as well as the entrepreneur's ambition to run a modern business efficiently. A study of Zhang Yuanji's life and career is in part a study of the evolution of China's gentry-elite and the emergence of the native capitalists. The thesis draws on newly-available primary materials, both in the original and in manuscript, including over a thousand of Zhang's letters, several hundred poems and essays, and the extant sections of his business diary. These materials are supplemented by information provided by Zhang's surviving literary and editorial colleagues. Internal publications and source-materials of the Commercial Press are also used to reconstruct this biography of a little-known man who worked for China's modernization by drawing on his solid learning about China's past.

This thesis examines the public debate on homosexuality in New Zealand in the period 1960-86. Its focus is primarily on male homosexuality because the central issue was the continued criminalization of male same-sex sexual acts. The thesis notes irresolvable problems of definition of homosexuality involving discussions of behaviour, orientation and identity. Nevertheless, the debate proceeded on a binary basis, that homosexuals and heterosexuals were two clearly defined groups of people. The thesis begins by noting the repression and invisibility of homosexuals in the 1960s. It then explores the origins and significance of the New Zealand Homosexual Law Reform Society and the gay liberation movement. Because of the significance of religion in regard to the debate, a chapter is devoted to major change and cleavage that occurred within the churches relating to homosexuality in the period reviewed. Finally the intense fifteen months of debate that occurred prior to decriminalization of male homosexual activity in July 1986 is studied at depth. The thesis highlights the intensity of feeling that the debate engendered. This was the result of the clash of fundamentally different worldviews and value systems. Behind the particular issue lay the question of the moral and social status of homosexuals and homosexual acts. So fundamental was this division that from both sides the very future of society seemed to be at stake. Worlds were in collision. / Note: Thesis now published. Guy, L (2002). Worlds in collision : the gay debate in New Zealand, 1960-1986. Wellington [N.Z.]: Victoria University Press, 2002. ISBN 0864734387

Frederick Weld arrived in New Zealand early in 1884, an unassuming and shy twenty-year old with high hopes and modest assets. He left the colony two decades later, a well-regarded and prominent citizen whose reputation was regarded by imperial authorities as ample qualification for appointment to a colonial governorship. Following a successful term of office in Western Australia, he was promoted to Tasmania and thence to the Straits Settlements, from which post he retired in 1887. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate how Weld’s colonial experience greatly influenced the nature of his administrations and to illustrate how his outlook gradually changed from one of a colonist to that of a servant of empire. / Images removed from thesis for copyright reasons.

Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy. / Thesis now published as a book refer to Puckey, Adrienne, Trading Cultures: A History of the Far North, ISBN 978-1-86969-454-8, published by Huia, 2011. Call Number: 995.12 P97

Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Both in the present and the past, horses have a strong presence in New Zealand society and culture. The country’s temperate climate and colonial environment allowed horses to flourish and accordingly became accessible to a wide range of people. Horses acted as an agent of colonisation for their role in shaping the landscape and fostering relationships between coloniser and colonised. Imported horses and the traditions associated with them, served to maintain a cultural link between Great Britain and her colony, a characteristic that continued well into the twentieth century. Not all of these transplanted readily to the colonial frontier and so they were modified to suit the land and its people. There are a number of horses that have meaning to this country. The journey horse, sport horse, work horse, warhorse, wild horse, pony and Maori horse have all contributed to the creation of ideas about community and nationhood. How these horses are represented in history, literature and imagery reveal much of the attitudes, values, aspirations and anxieties of the times. Yet despite the clear significance of horses to this country, no one breed of horse has emerged to represent the country as a whole. Unlike many other modern nations, New Zealand has not identified a national horse. Close allegiance to the British heritage as well as a strong sense of local and regional identity has meant that there is no New Zealand Horse to take its place beside the Australian Stockhorse, the Canadian Horse or any of the other national horses.