This study is an examination of the editorial pages of the Atlanta Constitution and the Atlanta Daily World for the purpose of comparing their treatment of the Atlanta sit-ins. Many studies have been made of the Atlanta Sit-in Movement but none of these has compared the treatment of the sit-ins as it appeared on editorial pages of Atlanta newspapers. The comparison of the Constitution and the World was of particular interest since both had and still have completely different audiences. The Constitution, white-owned and operated, had a largely white audience although it also had a wide black readership. The World, black-owned and operated, had a mainly black audience. An examination of editorial materials on the Atlanta lunch counter protests uncovered a wide variety of editorial materials, from the unsigned editorial to the cartoon. Both local and national writers expressed their views on the protests and the opinions varied widely. The editorial pages of both newspapers were examined from January 1, 1960 through March 31, 1961. Monday through Saturday editorial pages of the Constitution were viewed, but no Sunday Atlanta Journal and Constitution editorial pages were used for comparison since the Sunday editions contained columns by persons other than those who wrote regularly in the Constitution. The World, while called a daily, was published every day except Monday. Editorial pages of the World for August 20, September 8 and 27, October 15, 16, 26, 28, November 16 and December 20, 1960 and January 15 and February 21, 1961 were missing from microfilm reels of the newspaper examined at Georgia State University and the Atlanta Public Library. A check of the newspaper office resulted in the discovery of only two of these editorial pages, those for October 26 and 28, 1960. Two major aspects of editorial coverage were considered. First, the editorial policy of each newspaper, as reflected in its unsigned editorials on the sit-ins was examined. The unsigned editorials were expressions of the newspaper's official position on various matters. Second, other (than unsigned editorials) types of material were examined to see if views different from the newspaper's were allowed expression. Several questions were considered by the writer in this study. The first, did both newspapers give similar editorial commentary on major sit-in events? Next, did the black news organ provide its readers with supplemental information not found in the white news organ? Third, did the white newspaper describe the lunch counter protesters, many of whom were black, in a more negative manner than did the black newspaper? These questions were kept in mind during the research period. The writer was aware, however, that great care had to be taken in arriving at conclusions in such matters as how a newspaper viewed blacks. The primary sources for this comparison were the two newspapers, available at the Atlanta Public Library and Georgia State University Library and two interviews, one of a man closely connected with the sit-ins and one of an editorial writer. Many secondary works dealing with the lunch counter protests and newspapers were also consulted.

Throughout the twentieth century, African-American owned record labels seemingly served as embodiments of entrepreneurialisms capacity to generate social uplift for the race as well as wealth. However, an examination of Black Swan Records, Motown, and Def Jam Records, demonstrates how this assertion is undermined by the actions of their owners. Harry Pace founded Black Swan Records in 1921 not only to showcase black artists, but also prove the African-American audience was capable of appreciating classical music and other high culture. However, faced with financial pressures, Pace expanded the genres recorded on Black Swan to include jazz and other genres deemed low culture, as well as released records by white artists under black names. Berry Gordys refusal to allow his Motown artists to take a public stance on the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s came from his belief that their participation would be detrimental to the companys profitability. Gordys belief in selling black respectability to the commercial mainstream formed the basis of much of his decisions in running Motown, and became its ultimate legacy. Although Russell Simmons sought to market black rebellion under the assumption white consumers would find it more authentic, his decisions made as owner of Def Jam was demonstrated how entrenched black music had become within mainstream culture. When artists went too far in their persona of rebellion, such as members of Public Enemy, Simmons was quick to cast them aside in order to preserve the labels viability. The three owners actions to remain commercially successful despite seemingly in opposition to their stated cultural and racial goals demonstrate the priority of economic realities inherent in consumer culture taking precedence over idealistic efforts. In commodifying race, the resulting music was foremost a commercial product, and diminished its cultural value. This work challenges earlier studies of African-American popular music by arguing that the positive attributes of presenting black artists to a mainstream audience were weakened by the economic considerations of running a business and the demands of a consumer culture.

<p> In 1931 Spain and Catalonia made strides towards democracy as a republic was declared. Throughout the republican period, Catalan governance remained in the hands of the <i>Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya</i> (ERC). This party aimed to fuse Catalan national identity, which had previously been an elite construct, with left republican democratic policies. In an attempt to create a national identity which was both cross class and democratic, the ERC turned to methods outside of the traditions of Spanish politics up to that point. This Dissertation will argue that sport and physical culture were an important tool in the ERC&rsquo;s attempts to create a cross class national identity and that they allowed people of various classes to perform and negotiate that identity. The sport in question focused on incorporating as much of the population as possible and was about participation, not excellence. This cross class, mass participation sporting movement became known as the popular sports movement and it would go on to serve as part of the ERC&rsquo;s foreign policy as it reached its peak in the 1936 Popular Olympics. Before this both elite and popular sports had played a role in the ERC&rsquo;s domestic policy as well as in the nationalization efforts of Catalan civil society. The popular sport movement made use of the infrastructure for sport which had been built before the Republic but fused this with a new, cross class, discourse of national identity. Youth groups and sports clubs served as schools of democracy and sites for performing and negotiating Catalan national identity. It shall be argued that popular sport bought together groups who had previously been ignored by, and ignored, Catalan politics and national identity up. This dissertation argues that, through participating in popular sport and physical culture, more people came to see themselves as Catalan and felt stronger ties to the nation.</p>

This dissertation explains how the performance of the New York Stock Exchange has become vitally important to the methods by which a majority of Americans finance retirement. In 1974, the US Congress passed the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA), which extended comprehensive federal regulation to the private pension system for the first time. At the same time, Congress and the Securities and Exchange Commission forced the New York Stock Exchange to adopt a negotiated commission rate system, introducing competition on the basis of the price of a stock trade for the first time in the Exchangeâs history. Both these measures were a response to the growth of institutional investing of pension funds. Increased competition on Wall Street forced stockbrokers to seek new methods, such as retirement investing, to increase trading volume. By creating a heavy regulatory burden, ERISA encouraged business to seek alternatives to the traditional defined benefit pension plan. Their response was to adopt defined contribution plans, in which the burden of responsibility falls to individual employees, who often lack specialized investment knowledge. The combined effects of ERISA and negotiated rates forced individuals to play a more active role in financing their own retirement, while also increasing their dependence on investment institutions and stock market performance.

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The purpose of this research is to address how the issue of masculinity functioned in British propaganda during the First World War, and how it affected individuals. Propaganda relied on prewar conceptions of masculinity to appeal to audiences for reasons such as enlistment or continued support for the war. Propaganda often amplified these conceptions of prewar masculinity, and men would internalize propagandas message. The British state, however, did not create propaganda uniformly, and there existed major differences between the goals of propaganda posters and propaganda films. It will be demonstrated that posters and film addressed separate issues despite reaching similar audiences, and that posters were more successful at affecting mens sense of masculinity. Through showing how propaganda posters resonated with individuals, this paper highlights and reassesses the impact the propaganda poster had on contemporary British audiences.