This thesis chronicles the fortunes of the Anglo-German Fellowship, the British society founded in 1935 that advocated friendship with Hitler’s Germany up to its suspension in October 1939 following the outbreak of war. Drawing on newly discovered and previously overlooked primary sources, thematic and chronological methods are combined to explore how the Fellowship’s leaders played a bigger role in the diplomatic crises of the late 1930s than previously acknowledged. Supported by its sister organisation in Germany, the Fellowship attracted support from British royal, political, diplomatic, aristocratic, business, financial, military, sporting and intelligence elites with its membership reaching nine hundred by 1938. Funded by business and financial interests and patronised by Anglo-German royalty, it was influenced by the German high command, welcomed by elements of the British establishment and infiltrated by British, German, Russian and Jewish intelligence agents. To the extent it has been covered in the secondary literature, those assessing the Fellowship have classed it alongside the nasty, the eccentric and the irrelevant within ‘the Fellow Travellers of the Right’ tradition. This thesis challenges those stereotypes, arguing that it has been consequently misinterpreted and underestimated both by scholars and in popular culture over the last eighty years. Using primary sources to build an objective prosopography of its membership, evidence is offered that the Fellowship was more than a fringe pressure group and dining club and achieved international credibility as a lobbying body, diplomatic intermediary and intelligence-gathering tool. Having surveyed the heritage of earlier transnational friendship societies, this thesis examines the business and economic motives, on both sides of the North Sea, in founding the Fellowship, before charting how it then recruited support from across the political spectrum. Arranging landmark meetings between British politicians and the National Socialist leadership, it proved itself as a conduit for diplomatic dialogue with Germany. The central chapters probe the prosopography to highlight the Fellowship’s penetration of the British Establishment before lifting the lid of respectability to measure the extent to which it harboured pro-fascist and anti-Semitic enthusiasts for Hitler’s Germany. As the narrative moves into the final three years before war, two chapters explore how the Fellowship accessed the central political and diplomatic bodies in both countries including Downing Street, the houses of parliament, British political parties, Hitler’s Chancellery, the NSDAP, both foreign ministries and their embassies while simultaneously establishing dialogue with those opposing Hitler’s regime and challenging the wisdom of appeasement. Finally, the organisation’s legacy is examined to ask whether, by developing a different flavour of appeasement to Chamberlain’s, it offered a real alternative to war and whether this contributes to the continuing discourse surrounding inter-war appeasement.

謝偉傑. / "2001年6月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (leaves 205-215) / 附中英文摘要. / "2001 nian 6 yue" / Xie Weijie. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 205-215) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 序章 / Chapter 第一章 --- 硏究回顧 / Chapter 第一節 --- 錢穆、陳寅恪、呂思勉的北齊史論 / Chapter 第二節 --- 繆鉞的北齊史論 / Chapter 第三節 --- 1949年以後大陸學界的硏究成果 / Chapter 第四節 --- 港、臺及外地的硏究成果 / Chapter 第二章 --- 「國家龍飛朔野，雄步中原」 ´ؤ´ؤ北齊「功臣集團」的形成與高歡霸權的建立 / Chapter 第一節 --- 高歡崛興的契機´ؤ´ؤ六鎮之亂探析 / Chapter 第二節 --- 高歡「功臣集團」釋義 / Chapter 第三節 --- 「功臣集團」與高歡建政 / Chapter 第四節 --- 高歡領導性格之分析 / Chapter 第三章 --- 高齊皇權之始建 / Chapter 第一節 --- 高澄執政與改革 / Chapter 第二節 --- 高澄之死 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從相權到皇權´ؤ´ؤ高洋建國之路 / Chapter 第四節 --- 理性與瘋狂´ؤ´ؤ高洋鞏固皇權的嘗試 / Chapter 第四章 --- 高齊皇權發展的挫折期 ´ؤ´ؤ廢帝高殷、孝昭帝高演時期（560´ؤ561) / Chapter 第一節 --- 失落的皇權´ؤ´ؤ乾明事變（560 ) / Chapter 第二節 --- 風雨飄搖中的皇權´ؤ´ؤ高演的統治 / Chapter 第五章 --- 專制皇權與北齊之亡 ´ؤ´ؤ武成帝高湛、後主高緯時期（561´ؤ577) / Chapter 第一節 --- 高湛鞏固皇權 / Chapter 第二節 --- 權力的雙生兒´ؤ´ؤ高緯與高儼 / Chapter 第三節 --- 「恩倖集團」與齊末政局 / Chapter 第六章 --- 中古時代的民族融合與文化交流 ´ؤ´ؤ北齊與東哥德王國(Ostrogothic Kingdom)比較硏究 / Chapter 第一節 --- 比較的緣起 / Chapter 第二節 --- 哥德人、狄奧多里克與東哥德王國 / Chapter 第三節 --- 征服者、統治者與文化融合 / 結論 / 參考書目 / Chapter 一 --- 基本史料、民國以前著述 / Chapter 二 --- 近人論著、論文 / Chapter 三 --- 譯著 / Chapter 四 --- 英文論著 / Chapter 五 --- 日文論著 / Chapter 六 --- 工具書 / 附表 / Chapter 表一 --- 正光五年(524)至武泰元年(528)北魏各地亂事表 / Chapter 表二 --- 高歡集團十八異姓功臣表 / Chapter 表三 --- 天平元年(534)至武定四年(546)東魏將相大臣表 / Chapter 表四 --- 武成時期宗王死因一覽 / Chapter 表五 --- 後主時期宗王死因一覽 / Chapter 表六 --- 東魏、北齊年號

The Public Face(s) of Albinia Hobart, Countess of Buckinghamshire: Vice, Theatrics, Politics, and the Press in the twenty years between 1784 and 1804, Albinia Hobart, Countess of Buckinghamshire (1738-1816), appeared in over fifty extant satirical prints. Satirized for both her excessive girth and for her transgressive pastimes, Albinia was a constant target of the press and artists alike. While her behaviour was not unique for the period, the fact that she was involved in, and consequently satirized for, so many different types of public and semi-public activities makes Albinia an exceptional case. The combination of longevity and satirical breadth present in the extant satirical imagery of Albinia offers a unique opportunity to explore major societal debates that took place in Georgian England though an examination of the visual record of a single figure. This study provides the first detailed examination of the ways in which Albinia was represented in print culture, contextualizing these works within their social and political contexts. in so doing, it, to paraphrase Linda Colley, charts the world of eighteenth-century London in a life, and a life in the world of eighteenth-century London. "The Shop on the Corner of Wing's Lane": Retail Spaces in Colonial Boston Between 1754 and 1775, retailer and merchant Samuel Abbot operated a retail space in colonial Boston. on any given day, Abbot participated in what T.H. Breen has termed the "empire of goods" that came to dominate the British Atlantic world after 1740. This study of Abbot's shop attempts to reconstruct both the physical space in which he worked and plied his trade – situating his shop in the city, neighborhood, and street wherein it was located – and begins to examine the day-to-day retail activities that took place "on the corner of Wing's lane, near the town dock." Focusing on the twenty-year period between 1754 and 1774, it illuminates the physicality of shopping and retailing in colonial Boston in the years leading up to the American Revolution to build up a picture of the materiality of Boston shops in the eighteenth century and to interpret the impact of space on polite shopping practices. Colonial Boston was a city shaped by consumption; however, consumption was also shaped by the city. It is thus important to re-place these practices within the physical spaces in which they took place, as architectural space, of both the shop itself and the city's urban space writ large, impacted practices of consumption.

In southern labor history the role of women remains one of the most overlooked and misconstrued. Most works on the subject have relegated women to support roles within the labor movement or designated those who stood out as wild women. Through the use of existing works on the topic, interviews with strikers and witnesses, and contemporary newspaper articles, this thesis will show, in two case studies, of Elizabethton, Tennessee, and Gastonia, North Carolina, that women involved in the 1929 strikes were neither merely supporters nor wild women. They were instead the public faces of the textile labor movement and took major roles in the leadership, organization and course of their respective strikes. Like women before them, in the suffragist movement, and the early women’s labor movements in Lowell, Massachusetts and other northern mills, they acted at the confluence of competing forces and demands. Often characterized in the newspapers and popular mindset as mothers striking for better wages for their families and for better conditions, they couched their militancy in the language of motherhood, garnering public support for their unions and rousing outrage at the mistreatment directed toward them. The women in Elizabethton and Gastonia merged the new woman of the 1920s and the Victorian ideals of motherhood. Their fight reflected the tensions surrounding gender and labor which had arisen in the economic and cultural struggles of the 1920s South.

The 1980’s were a transformative era for the United States of America. The nation had been through a very tumultuous and difficult period following the Kennedy assassination, the Vietnam War, Watergate Scandal, and recession that had plagued the late 1970’s. The fortieth President of the United States, Ronald Reagan, sought to alter this direction by bringing the United States back into a conservative renaissance. He accomplished this in part by using his history in and knowledge of Hollywood. Films and television shows were used by President Reagan to paint the image he had of a better America. A return to classical, conservative family values, a strong, effective military, and the strong opposition and denunciation of communism all became synonymous with the 1980’s and with Ronald Reagan. He left office as one of the most popular and successful Presidents in the history of the country and cast a shadow upon the American political scene that is still seen today.

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