Portugal’s interests in the East African coast date from the days of Portuguese ascendancy in the far eastern trade, but for 300 years very little was done to develop these African territories. in the latter half of the 19th century Lisbon gave a 50-year concession to the mozambique company which do not expire until 1941, thus about one-sixth of the whole area, that portion between the Zambesi and latitude 22 south, was governed and administered by this company, the remainder of the territory was administered by the government of Portugal and was known as the Mozambique colony.

This thesis is an attempt to show the manner in which the early Tudors exerted an influence in Scotland from the death of James III in 1488 to the assumption of power by James V in 1524. From evidence derived from both the primary and secondary sources the author has endeavoured to trace the spasmodic but steady growth of English influence throughout this period, which ends in 1524 with the departure of the Duke of Albany, the pro-French Regent and the subsequent triumph of Tudor designs on Scotland.

This thesis deals with factors leading to the formation in 1875 of that ecclesiastical organization known as The Presbyterian Church in Canada. The union movement, a product of contemporary situations in Christendom in general and Canadian Presbyterianism in particular, resulted in a legislative union of Kirk, Secession and Free Presbyterian bodies in Canada.

This thesis bas for its subject the Anglo-French Military and Naval Staff Conversations. These "Conversations" consisted of direct verbal and written communications between the British and French War Offices and Admiralties, for the purpose of elaborating joint plans for possible armed co-operation both on land and on the seas, against an eventual German aggression. These Anglo-French Staff Conversations began in January, 1906, and continued right up to July, 1914. They were conducted under a veil of secrecy, and were formally revealed to the public only one day before Britain went to war.

The outstanding feature of the diplomacy of western Europe, at the end of the thirteenth, and throughout the fourteenth century, was the conflict between France and England. This conflict revolved about the English possessions in France. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, these had been very extensive comprising Normandy, Maine, Anjou, Poitou, Saintonge and Aquitaine. All of this, except Aquitaine, had been lost to the French crown at the beginning of the thirteenth century, when Philip Augustus of France had confiscated them from King John of England.

In the midst of swirling snow and bitter temperatures, Grand Trunk locomotive engineers and firemen struck work on December 29, 1876. Hundreds of men were involved as this four-day Canadian strike marked the beginning of one of the greatest years of labor unrest in North American history. From the evening of December 29, 1876, to the morning of January 3, 1877, the Grand Trunk men refused to work and tried to persuade others not to take their places. [...]

The Roumanian princes were despots, and because there was considerable Byzantine influence in the two sister principalities, the rulers copied the absolutism and the form of government of this Empire. The absolute power of the rulers was limited by the fact that the two original Roumanian dynasties ruled for three centures but did not produce many capable leaders. Since there were no established laws of succession (any member of the princely families could be elected ruler by the assemblies of nobles and clergymen), many struggles for power took place which weakened the authority of the Roumanian princes.

The year 1513 saw two new monarchs ascend the thrones of their ancient kingdoms. In spite of the five hundred miles of ocean which separated them, the difference of age, and of experience, they were to find much in common between themselves and between their realms. James V, King of Scotland, was an infant of one year in his nursery among the bleak dark walls of a Scottish castle. Faction and jealousy surrounded this infant whose father, James IV, had been killed on the blood-soaked field of Flodden.

Oil-related struggles by ethnic minority groups against their national governments and multinational oil companies active in their traditional territories in South America and Africa have made headlines across the world in recent years. Fuelled in particular by a post-Cold War world order with its emphasis on environmental and human rights, and the rediscovery of minority groups, oil-producing ethnic minority groups set out in the course of the 1990s to confront perceived and real political, economic, social and environmental marginalisation suffered due to the perpetuation of historical inequalities which became more pronounced and intensified with the onset of oil developments and production in their traditional territories. While the adverse human and environmental consequences of oil production in their traditional territories triggered these oil-related ethnic minority struggles in South America and Africa in the 1990s, their struggles should not be viewed merely in environmental and human rights terms. On the contrary, they are as much struggles against long histories of political, economic and social marginalisation suffered at the hands of their national governments and the dominant cultures in their countries, as they are struggles against the multinational oil companies active in their traditional land. The purpose of this study is to explore the environmental and human impacts of oil developments on oil-producing ethnic minority groups in South America and Africa, by focusing on the oil-related struggles of the Cofan and the Siona -Secoya Indians in Ecuador and that of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni in Nigeria. The Cofan, the Siona-Secoya and the Ogoni were marginalized over an extended period that commenced with the onset of colonial rule in 1533 in Ecuador and the late nineteenth century in Nigeria. Consequently their struggles waged in the course of the 1990s against Texaco and the Ecuadorian government, and Shell and the Nigerian government respectively, are essentially political, economic and environmental struggles to confront both real and perceived domination and marginalisation on numerous levels. In political terms, the Cofan and the Siona-Secoya confronted the real political marginalisation of Indian communities in Ecuador that had relegated Indians to the lowest strata of Ecuadorian society for centuries, while the Ogoni in Nigeria confronted real and perceived political domination in a Nigerian society characterised by political domination by majority ethnic groups. Political marginalisation is very closely related to economic and environmental marginalisation, since both Ecuador and Nigeria depend entirely on natural resource exploitation for their economic survival. As a result, oil production in the territories of the Cofan, the Siona-Secoya and the Ogoni have over time contributed greatly to the national economies of Ecuador and Nigeria, but these minorities have generally not shared in the economic benefits of oil production, while at the same time being forced to cope with the adverse environmental impacts of unregulated and uncontrolled oil developments and production by Texaco and Shell respectively. However, while the Ogoni in general aspire to share in the modernising benefits associated with an oil economy, the Cofan and the Siona-Secoya in Ecuador wage their oil-related struggle in order to counter their forceful incorporation into a modern economy, to protect their traditional lifestyles which are the defining elements of their cultures, and to obtain the right to shape modernity according to their own needs and on their own terms. There is no question that oil production by Texaco and Shell has had a detrimental environmental and human impact on the Cofan and the Siona-Secoya, and the Ogoni respectively, and that the Ecuadorian and Nigerian governments have paid scant attention to the environmental management and regulation of their oil industries, which exacerbated the adverse environmental impacts of oil production in the Oriente in Ecuador and Ogoniland in Nigeria. However, Texaco and Shell were slow to acknowledge and address these adverse environmental impacts of their oil-related activities in the two countries, with Shell only doing so in 1996 in reaction to negative public reaction in Europe to the company's involvement in Ogoniland (and the Brent Spar incident of 1995), while there is to date no real commitment to social and environmental responsibility from Texaco. In addition, very little is being done by the Ecuadorian and Nigerian governments to implement and enforce stringent environmental controls in their oil industries. Until this is done there is no real possibility of a successful outcome to the Cofan and Siona-Secoya, and the Ogoni struggles, and consequently these three minority groups will continue to be subjected to the adverse environmental impacts of oil production and/or its legacy in the forseeable future.

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