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The intent of this study is twofold: first, to explore the dramatic and musical functions of chorus in baroque operas in Italy, France, and England; second, to identify choral excerpts from baroque operas suitable for present-day concert performance. Musical and dramatic functions of chorus in baroque opera are identified. Following a brief historical overview of the use of chorus in the development of Italian, French, and English baroque opera, representative choruses are selected for analysis and comparison. Examples are presented to demonstrate characteristic musical use of chorus in baroque opera; characteristic dramatic use of chorus in baroque opera; or, the suitability of a chorus for use as concert repertoire. Musical examples are drawn from a twenty-five year period in the late seventeenth century, 1667-1692, as represented in Italy by Alessandro Scarlatti, Antonio Sartorio, and Antonio Cesti; in France by Jean-Baptiste Lully; and in England by Henry Purcell. The results of this study indicate that there are numerous choruses appropriate for concert performance to be found in the English baroque opera repertoire, the semi-operas of Henry Purcell in particular; there are some suitable examples to be found in French baroque operas, although frequently choruses by Lully are harmonically simpler than those by Purcell; and, there are choruses available for extraction from early Italian operas such as those by Monteverdi, but very few to be found in late seventeenth century Italian operas. The document concludes with an appendix of selected baroque opera choruses considered appropriate for concert performance. The appendix includes only those choruses considered to be harmonically, melodically, and textually autonomous, and of sufficient length to be free-standing. Selections chosen for the appendix are drawn from a wider range of composers and a broader time span than those discussed in the body of the paper. Information contained in the appendix includes composer, opera title, date, act and scene, chorus title, voicing, source, and editorial remarks.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Architecture, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Johannesburg, 1996 / This thesis is set within the historical context of the commercial empire of the VOC (Dutch East India Company), which established a refreshment post for its ships at the Cape of Good Hope, South Africa, in 1652. The central proposition of the thesis is that the architectural principles established at the Cape between 1652 and 1710 had a greater influence on subsequent developments than has previously been acknowledged. This proposition challenges the widely accepted theory that Cape Dutch architecture developed as an evolution from vernacular beginnings. Re.search in the field to date has focused largely on Cape Dutch buildings, dating from after the mid-18th century, and on later survivals of vernacular types. As a result the buildings erected prior to 1710, defined here as proto-Cape Dutch, have been largely ignored. To redress this imbalance, the thesis investigates the proto-Cape Dutch period in its own right, by presenting the widest possible range of building types erected during this period. Since few of these buildings survive, the evidence for the thesis was derived largely from archival material. This comprised three types of contemporary sources: the official records of the VOC, the written accounts of visitors to the Cape, and the drawings of visiting artists. Some sources were clearly unreliable, but in several cases it was possible to reconcile evidence which initially appeared to be contradictory. The interpretation and evaluation of this research is addressed in Part 1 of the thesis. The architectural evidence is presented in Part 2, where the process of analysis and reconciliation is revealed. This process facilitated the detailed reconstruction of some of the more prominent buildings of the proto-Cape Dutch period no longer in existence. The thesis contends that such buildings, with sophisticated plans and Renaissance proportions, were the stimulus for the development of Cape Dutch architecture later in the 18th century. The thesis thus comprises three major components: the development of a research method; the re-evaluation through this method of a number of buildings known primarily from documentary sources; and the proposition based on this re-evaluation that Cape Dutch architecture was a simplification of the precedent established by the more sophisticated buildings of the proto-Cape Dutch period. The method employed and the conclusions drawn from the evidence may suggest applications in similar colonial circumstances elsewhere. LIST OF KEY WORDS Cape Dutch architecture - Civil engineering works - Dutch colonial architecture - Fortifications - Hospitals - Non-residential buildings - Proto-Cape Dutch architecture - Religious buildings - Residential buildings - Town planning / WS2017

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Even to contemporaries Louis XIII was an enigma, for he seemed to be the very embodiment of opposites. For example, when he overthrew his mother's Regency government in 1617, he claimed she had treated him as a child not as a son, yet the moment his 'coup' was successful he did not attempt to consolidate his authority, but sat on the floor "playing the child" he now claimed his mother had never allowed him to be. Further, he demanded the obedience of his nobility, yet continued to do things which elicited their scorn rather than their respect. After all, he fawned over court favorites, spoke with a stutter and seemed to enjoy his toy canons as much as he did the royal army he now ostensibly controlled. The purpose of this work is to show not only that Louis was a King without majesty, even though he was addressed as 'Your Majesty', but how he gradually came to acquire that majesty under the tutelage of Cardinal Richelieu. It does this first by drawing on the thought of Jean Bodin, the sixteenth century jurist, who showed that majesty flowed from sovereignty, and sovereignty meant that a ruler must not be subject to another in anything. Second, it applies this definition of sovereignty and majesty to Louis XIII, showing in detail how he did not even have control over his own life, much less over his court, country and coasts. It was Richelieu who gave him this control, making his rule unquestioned both in practice and in theory, separating him even from the scrutiny of the Catholic Church by making that Church subordinate to the state. Even more, Richelieu taught Louis how to carry himself like a King. Most of all, however, he taught Louis that the essence of majesty did not lie in demanding obedience but in exuding an authority that commanded it.

The ideal of honesty proposed by civility treaties results from the social and political reorganization orchestrated by Louis XIV's desire to assert his authority and impose a court ritual. Court treaties, like Antoine de Courtin's Le Nouveau traite de la civilite qui se pratique en France parmi les honnetes gens (1671), pass on an ideal of social behaviour in which the appearances are meticulously planned. Based on the principle that the physical appearance is a reflection of the inner self, the body is of great importance in honesty. Propriety books codify gestures and indicate the best attitude, outfit, posture and gait to single out an "honnete homme" from the mass. In order to respect the social standards, he moulds himself an exterior image and, in doing so, he establishes a difference between the public character and the private man. The representation of the body necessarily affects the creation of the "honnete homme"'s personality, which presents many traits of a modern identity.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze advice about marriage written in England during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The first chapter focuses on marital counsel contained in letters, the second on advice offered by Protestant clergymen, and the third on various kinds of popular literature which discussed marriage and women. The contents of the works are described, as is the historical and literary context in which they were written. Although the form, purpose, and significance of the marital counsel varies, the advice itself is remarkably consistent. The central concern of the authors is how a man can select a good wife and how the woman should comport herself after marriage; only the works written by clerics describe the husband's marital responsibilities to any significant extent. The implication is that a successful marriage would result if the man chose his wife wisely and if, once chosen, the woman conformed to his and society's expectations. However, advice tells us only what people were saying, not what they were doing; it is prescriptive, not descriptive. Moreover, when examining works which dealt with wedlock, one becomes aware of the essentially literary nature of much of the counsel—many authors simply repeated or expanded on clichés. Their words do not provide us with insight into their own thoughts or matrimonial relations, but inform us as to the accepted, conventional mode of discussing marriage during this period. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate