No description available.

New Guinea has long been recognized by geologists as the location of geologically recent mountain building. This study combined field mapping, stratigraphic and remote sensing analysis along and near the Gunung Bijih (Ertsberg) mine road and mining district in order to analyze the geologic development of the collisional New Guinea orogen. As a result of the youthfulness and the quality of data, it is possible to constrain distinct parts of orogenic evolution to 1 or 2 m.y. The southern Central Range of New Guinea is located on the northern Australian continental margin. The southern one-third of the Central Range, exposed along the Gunung Bijih mine access road, is a 30-km-wide, north-dipping homocline exposing an apparently 18-km-thick Precambrian or Early Paleozoic to Cenozoic sequence. Following rifting in the early Mesozoic and until the Middle Miocene, the northern Australian continent was a passive margin. The Central Range of Irian Jaya formed when the Australian passive margin was subducted beneath and collided with a north-dipping subduction zone in the Middle Miocene. Litho- and biostratigraphic analysis of the New Guinea Limestone Group in the Gunung Bijih mining district and regional stratigraphic correlation indicates that the first evidence of subaerial exposure and erosion of the orogen is the widespread deposition of siliciclastic, synorogenic strata at ~12 Ma. I name this event the Central Range Orogeny. There is no evidence of an Oligocene orogenic event in the Irian Jaya region as has been described to the east in Papuan New Guinea. Deformation in the Central Range is dominated by ~12 to ~4 Ma southwest verging (210°-220°) contraction and minor east-west wrenching. This deformation is equally accommodated, there is no evidence for strain partitioning in the Central Range. Lithospheric-scale cross sections, incorporating field observations, predict the Central Range Orogeny is divided into a pre-collision and collisional stage. The pre-collision stage is the bulldozing of passive margin sediments in a north dipping subduction zone. The collision stage occurs when buoyant Australian lithosphere can not be subducted. The collision stage results in basement involved deformation and lithospheric delamination of the already subducted Australian plate. / text

Among the Baliem valley Dani of the central highlands of Irian Jaya, Indonesia, infants play a prominent role in social relations. Infant mortality rates among the Dani are above two hundred and fifty deaths per thousand live births and birth rates are low. To these patterns of infant survival and growth the Dani consistently ascribe complex meaning. Drawing from anthropological research conducted in 1994--1995 in the Baliem valley, this dissertation demonstrates that indigenous meanings about the infant body and assessments of infant health link the infant to political relations within polygynous families, to antagonistic gender relations, and to affiliations with powerful ancestor spirits. Gender relations play a prominent role in explanations about infants. When an infant dies, parents explain the death in ways that reflect the lower social status of women in relation to men. A study of sex ratios during the first year of life and biased use of health services by gender of the infant suggest that the Dani may generate and validate cultural patterns of gender inequality during the earliest months of life. / Infants also play an important role in national politics. In Indonesia's attempts to assimilate indigenous peoples into the country's economic development agenda, the infant appears in health promotions as a member of a contrived ideal family. These national cultural models, grounded in a concern with population control, translate into an applied health agenda for infants that has little impact on the mortality rates of the very young in Dani society. / The infant, though mute, is a powerful figure at the center of many social and political relations. The richness of meaning attributed to infants in the Baliem valley suggests that further research is needed to correct lacunae in anthropological theory about one of life's key social figures.

Field experiments were conducted during the 1989 dry season (July to December) at the Manggoapi Farm of the Faculty of Agriculture, Cenderawasih University in Manokwari, Irian Jaya, Indonesia. The objectives of the experiments were to determine the effects of four sweet potato cropping systems on the population density of sweet potato weevils (SPW) and on the diversity of other insects within these agroecosystems. / Fewer SPW were found in intercropped sweet potato + corn (2 weevils per kg infected tubers), sweet potato + soybean (21 weevils), sweet potato + corn + soybean (8 weevils) than in monoculture sweet potato (37 weevils); percentage of damaged tubers followed the same trend, ranging from 2.6% to 14.0% in intercropped sweet potato, to 21.9% in the sweet potato monoculture. However, the higher number of SPW and damaged tubers in the monoculture did not reduce yield below that in the intercropped plots. / Insect and spider populations were more diverse in the intercropped sweet potato systems than in monoculture. Number of arthropods increased throughout the growing season. Intercropping may reduce the population density of other insect pests associated with sweet potato and may increase the population density of natural enemies.

Thesis (M.A.), Anthropology (Development studies) Mini-thesis. / Title from start screen (viewed Sept. 2, 2004). "March 1994."

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--Theoretical Archaeology Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, August 1997. / Title from start screen (viewed Sept. 10, 2004). "August 1997."

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of History, University of Sydney, 1996. / Title from PDF title screen (viewed Oct. 5, 2004). Includes bibliographical references.

Proefschrift--Utrecht. / "Stellingen": [2] p. inserted. Vita. Summary in English. Bibliography: p. [183]-189.

Most ethnographers working in Melanesia, while following the traditional descent-based method of analysing social structure, have been keenly aware of the limited scope and range of corporate groups in that area, and, in contrast, the strong emphasis placed upon the principle of reciprocity. The present work is based on my ethnographic study of the Orokaiva, a tribe resident in the Northern District of Papua. I have made the theoretical assumption that reciprocity, or exchange, may be treated in this society as a structural principle on the same level as descent. I have developed a method of describing the culture which is consistent with that theoretical assumption. I have used, as my main analytical device, the concept of the 'exchange cycle’, a somewhat more elaborate version of what Barth and Belshaw have called a 'transaction'. An exchange cycle is an event sequence in which two partners engage in a social exchange which may simultaneously serve economic, political or religious ends. An exchange cycle contains three pairs of elements: (a) the partners who, for the purpose of exchange, are viewed as standing in a relation of complementary opposition; (b) the objects of exchange, which generally take the form of social benefits or social penalties, as in the theory of Homans and Blau; (c) objects of mediation, which are the prestations that are offered for the purpose of establishing or maintaining or restoring social exchange between the partners. The ethnography is divided into three parts. In the first part, after providing a brief summary of Orokaiva culture, I have examined the 'starting mechanisms' of Orokaiva exchange cycles, i.e. the myths on which the Orokaiva base their belief in the efficacy of objects of mediation. I have studied 'starting mechanisms', both in traditional institutions (chapter 3) and in institutions developed since the British-Australian conquest (chapter 4). The second part of the study is concerned chiefly with objects of mediation: land, taro, pigs, minor foods and ornaments (chapters 5 - 9). I have examined in detail their symbolic significance in the principal types of transactions and partnerships and the implications of the regular exchange cycles for social structure. The objects of mediation are the basic elements of the exchange system; symbolised as kin, they are simultaneously used for the making of economic, political and religious statements. The social patterns displayed by their transfer mirror the social structure at its deepest level. In the third part, we move from individual exchange networks mediated by gifts to the search for rules by which the movement of objects of mediation are constrained, and which are placed upon individuals in virtue of their membership of some corporate group. I have suggested that the key to Orokaiva social structure may be found in the alternation between restricted and complex generalised marriage exchange. I have shown that this alternation is actually determined by the form of the marriage rules themselves, (chapter 10). More generally, I argued that an exchange-oriented society such as the Orokaiva is marked by dramatic and often violent changes in social relationships as between positive and negative cycles of reciprocity. This is reflected in the marriage system and also in the present ambivalent relations between Orokaiva and Europeans while the rules of social exchange may also perhaps account for phenomena such as millennial movements. In the concluding chapter (11), I have discussed my theoretical debts. The principal debt is to Levi-Strauss and is obvious in my use of the concepts structure, exchange and reciprocity, as well as in my method of analysing symbolic phenomena. My approach .to the works of Pouwer, Malinowski, Homans, Blau and Barth is set out in some detail. If in 'intrinsic' exchange gifts are 'primarily valued as symbols', as Blau plausibly maintains, then the study of the underlying symbolic systems is a fundamental task. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate