This paper will build upon the idea that informal settlements communities develop characteristic spatial morphologies as a response to outside forces. By understanding those forces and the resulting use of space, in particular public spaces, we can develop more appropriate urban design and planning interventions based in local realities. I begin by presenting the urban theories of Christopher Alexander and Bill Hillier, which provide analytical tools for understanding public space morphologies and the uses of public space. I then introduce Asef Bayat’s concept of quiet encroachment to more fully theorize the characteristics of public space as a response to the outside forces, in particular as an informal means of claiming space and rights to the city. Finally, I draw on this analytical and theoretical framework to analyze public space in the informal settlement of Jallah Town, in Monrovia, Liberia. I conclude by outlining how these analytical and theoretical tools can be used to further urban theory and international development and planning practice in informal settlements. / text

Few countries have ever had the opportunity to rethink their architectural dogma as abruptly and radically as South Africa since the few years leading up to the democratic elections of 1994. With only a few exceptions, the pre-democratic South African architecture of the 20th century has always lacked a unique identity. But, coinciding with trends towards Critical-Regionalism and ‘green’ initiatives, the emergence of a new South Africa has inspired the profession as a whole to search for new directions.

Many Latin American countries have transitioned from agricultural to service-oriented societies since the 1950s and have consequently seen a vast migration of people from rural to urban areas in search of new jobs created in cities. The vast majority of migrants have not been able to afford or obtain formal or government- built housing. They have, consequentially, turned to the informal sector, settled land that was owned by another and built their houses there despite in many cases not having services. The Dominican Republic has seen a similar sequence of events and has also seen a large increase in urban populations and informal housing in its cities. This paper examines the housing in one of these informal settlements, the community of Los Platanitos, located in the municipality of Santo Domingo Norte and among the poorer settlements in Santo Domingo. Specifically, this study examines the process in which the community was settled and consolidated as well as residents’ ability to improve their situation through acquisition of this property. It also looks at the current state of housing in Los Platanitos in terms of spatial distribution and existing and needed support systems. / text

No description available.

<p>South Africa has undergone major transformation after the election of the first democratic government in 1994. The acceptance of a humane constitution as well as equal rights for all its citizens necessitated the banning of corporal punishment in all schools under the South African Schools Act 84 of 1996. Accordingly, this change in the education policy as well as a change in society regarding equal rights for all citizens required teachers to adjust and improve their practices related to classroom management and discipline. The abolition of corporal punishment in 1996 (South African Schools Act 84 of 1996) can thus be regarded as such a changed aspect which required teachers to find alternative ways of keeping discipline in schools. It is expected from teachers to manage learning in classrooms, while at the same time practise and promote a critical, committed and ethical attitude towards the development of a sense of respect and responsibility amongst learners. It is with this in mind that one should remember that classroom locations and environments are complex as well as dynamic. Learners can now use their rights in a court of law while at the same time become more unruly, disruptive and at times even violent. Teachers on the other hand are left with limited alternative procedures or guidelines to manage unruly learners. As such, teachers now rely on their own informal learning in order to deal with such learners since alternatives to manage ill-disciplined learners are not included in formative teacher training courses. This study therefore concerns itself with the way teachers acquire classroom management skills in the absence of corporal punishment and learn how to deal with behavioural problems in order to carry on with day-to-day classroom activities. This is essentially viewed as informal learning. Because of the absence of much-needed training and support from educational authorities, teachers adjust and improve their practice, relying on hands-on experience in classrooms since they only incidentally receive opportunities to engage in ongoing formal professional development. This study explores the nature and content of informal/incidental as well as nonformal (courses not leading to formal accreditation) teachers&rsquo / learning related to managing classroom discipline in the absence of corporal punishment and investigates how skills, to manage classroom discipline, impact on the learning and teaching enterprise. A qualitative approach within the interpretive paradigm was followed throughout this study. Unstructured interviews were used to gather data which resulted in the gaining of rich detailed descriptions of participants&rsquo / responses to acquiring classroom management skills. This qualitative investigation included a literature review that explored and analysed different perspectives on the learning process. This study confirms that teachers acquire classroom management and discipline skills through workplace learning, initiated by themselves as well as collaboratively through interaction with colleagues and learners. Learning within the workplace was possible due to the opportunities they were afforded within the working context they found themselves in.</p>

Thesis (M.B.A.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

The history of alcohol in South Africa forms a fundamental part of the history of apartheid and isolation. Conflict has long surrounded the production, distribution and use of alcohol and this continues even today, although in traditional African society the use of alcoholic beverages was well regulated. Drinking served a communal and ceremonial purpose. After colonisation, the British in vain prohibited the use of alcohol by Africans in an attempt to prevent what they saw as the social decay and disorder encouraged by its use. Laws were passed to make it illegal for black Africans to produce and obtain liquor. Only in 1962 was it made legal for black people to purchase alcohol from white liquor outlets. In the townships municipal beer halls were established by local authorities to help finance township development and control. Many people turned to illegal liquor-related activities, both brewing traditional African beer and setting up illegal outlets (called shebeens) where liquor was sold for on-site or off-site consumption purposes. Most shebeens are part of or attached to residential premises. For some, setting up a shebeen was a move of rebelliousness against the policies of the apartheid government that restricted business opportunities to a particular segment of society. For others it was a way of making an adequate living and a means of providing recreational facilities in townships. The establishment of shebeens was also a natural response to a situation in which there were 15 times as many legal liquor outlets per unit of population in former white suburbs than in suburbs in which persons of other races resided. The shebeen problem is an inheritance of our apartheid past and cannot be allowed to linger on indefinitely. Formalisation of this activity will lead to better services and increased competitiveness in the industry and will marginalise unlicensed traders who have no intention of complying with the law. It is therefore clear that the current deadlock can only be addressed through the transformation of unlicensed businesses into formal businesses. The Government recognises the diverse nature of the liquor industry in the provinces and values the importance of its diverse aspects as a contributor to the economy of South Africa. The first objective of the Liquor Act is to make it possible for bona fide unlicensed traders in the historically disadvantaged communities to legitimise their businesses without encountering unnecessary barriers to entry but, also, to create an environment that will encourage them to do so. It is however a reality that the existing situation the unlicensed trader finds him or herself in provides little incentive to enter into the legal trade and such a person is not aware of possible economic factors impacting on this business after formalisation. In the West Rand an extremely small percentage of outlets in the historically disadvantaged townships are licensed. There are however factors that influence the shebeens' move from unlicensed to licensed businesses. The government has certain objectives and the new environment can be painted to describe new areas of impact on shebeens, such as legislative compliance, complexity of the application and approval process and restrictions, and a shortage of resources to assist the process. A lack of resources limits the ability of the law enforcement agencies to act in a consistent manner against unlicensed sellers of liquor. Operations by law enforcement agencies are irregular and depend to a large extent on the analysis of the crime threat that a particular unlicensed establishment presents to the area and their priorities regarding the allocation of resources. The unlicensed sale of liquor continues largely unabated and with little fear of consequences. The unlicensed trader, unlike his or her licensed counterpart, does not form part of the tax network. The unlicensed trader falls outside the regulatory network as far as land use requirements, trading hours and restrictions are concerned. The limited availability of resources prevents the allocation of financial incentives that in any event cannot compete with the aforesaid sustained trading advantages that the unlicensed trade provides. Providing an enabling environment for the emerging traders is an issue partly determined by the municipal planning authorities. A dilemma that is facing planning and licensing authorities encompasses the divergent interests of the currently unlicensed shebeens in residential areas and the interests of the surrounding residents. The involvement of communities determines the location of licensed liquor outlets. Factors affecting their impact include direct dealing with suppliers, people management (labour law), commercial competencies and business compliances such as tax, value added tax, stock management and community complaints. This research will look at the business environment and all aspects impacting the process and playing field in becoming formalised. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

Water is the most important resource which is essential for sustaining all life forms, since without it, life cannot exist and industry cannot operate. However, increasing concern is being expressed at the rate of degradation of this important resource, which, to a large extent, is due to the advent of industrialization and urbanization. The major causes for this concern is that the progress towards urbanization is often made without due regard to the consequences. Furthermore, the effect of man's social and industrial activities can be seen in the extent to which river water quality changes as a river flows from its source to the sea. Water which is returned to the river as effluent is rarely the same quality and is normally contaminated with some form of pollution. South Africa is a country where water is a scarce and precious resource. Coupled with low rainfall and a high evaporation rate, is the lack of basic services which are concentrated in areas where demands of the most vital resource is ever increasing. In addition, urbanization is experienced at a phenomenal rate, much of which is in the form of informal settlements. These constitute overcrowded "shacks" with no running water and sanitation facilities. Furthermore, imbalances in the ecosystem are created when humans strive to undertake the economic demands of the world resulting in poor environmental management practices and unhealthy living conditions. These communities lack basic services and as a result, resort to environmental degradation where the removal of vegetative cover, waste disposal and water pollution are evident. Furthermore, many of the informal settlements are situated in close proximity to water source, especially rivers. In the absence of sanitation, these communities make use of shallow pit latrines, river banks, etc. The potential for pollution is therefore very high in these communities. This provided the researcher with theThe purpose of the study was to determine the influence of the Umlazi informal community, L-SECTION on the water quality of the Umlaas River. The physical and chemical parameters viz., pH, E-coli, COD, turbidity, electrical conductivity, nitrate and phosphorous concentration were examined to provide the researcher with some indication of water quality. Water samples with an interval of 100 metres apart were collected upstream and downstream of the informal community. The samples were analysed at the Metro Waste Water management laboratory to determine the concentrations of the said variables. The purpose of upstream and downstream sampling was to enable the researcher to determine whether the difference in values between the two sets of data was significant or not. The statistical test was achieved through the application of the students t test. The results of the investigation indicate that water downstream of the informal community is of a poorer quality than that of upstream. The results of the application of the test for each set of variables (upstream vs downstream) reveals that the difference is significant. The findings of the study indicate that the informal community have a detrimental impact on water quality. Authorities responsible for management of water resources are required, as a matter of urgency, to implement nec~ssary steps to ensure that water quality is not impacted upon negatively. Failure in this regard could lead to the following: a decline in water quality and quantity; a reduction in economic opportunities; deteriorating standards of human health and safety as well as a decline in the diversity of plants, animals, and fish in our rivers. However providing proper sanitation to people living in informal settlements; improving the quality of lives of the homeless people who resort to squatting as well as ensuring that policies ensure that minimum standards requirements are met are just some of the steps in overcoming the problem in water quality. motivation for the study. / Thesis (M.A.)- University of Durban-Westville, 2003.

Thesis (M.B.A.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

The history of alcohol in South Africa forms a fundamental part of the history of apartheid and isolation. Conflict has long surrounded the production, distribution and use of alcohol and this continues even today, although in traditional African society the use of alcoholic beverages was well regulated. Drinking served a communal and ceremonial purpose. After colonisation, the British in vain prohibited the use of alcohol by Africans in an attempt to prevent what they saw as the social decay and disorder encouraged by its use. Laws were passed to make it illegal for black Africans to produce and obtain liquor. Only in 1962 was it made legal for black people to purchase alcohol from white liquor outlets. In the townships municipal beer halls were established by local authorities to help finance township development and control. Many people turned to illegal liquor-related activities, both brewing traditional African beer and setting up illegal outlets (called shebeens) where liquor was sold for on-site or off-site consumption purposes. Most shebeens are part of or attached to residential premises. For some, setting up a shebeen was a move of rebelliousness against the policies of the apartheid government that restricted business opportunities to a particular segment of society. For others it was a way of making an adequate living and a means of providing recreational facilities in townships. The establishment of shebeens was also a natural response to a situation in which there were 15 times as many legal liquor outlets per unit of population in former white suburbs than in suburbs in which persons of other races resided. The shebeen problem is an inheritance of our apartheid past and cannot be allowed to linger on indefinitely. Formalisation of this activity will lead to better services and increased competitiveness in the industry and will marginalise unlicensed traders who have no intention of complying with the law. It is therefore clear that the current deadlock can only be addressed through the transformation of unlicensed businesses into formal businesses. The Government recognises the diverse nature of the liquor industry in the provinces and values the importance of its diverse aspects as a contributor to the economy of South Africa. The first objective of the Liquor Act is to make it possible for bona fide unlicensed traders in the historically disadvantaged communities to legitimise their businesses without encountering unnecessary barriers to entry but, also, to create an environment that will encourage them to do so. It is however a reality that the existing situation the unlicensed trader finds him or herself in provides little incentive to enter into the legal trade and such a person is not aware of possible economic factors impacting on this business after formalisation. In the West Rand an extremely small percentage of outlets in the historically disadvantaged townships are licensed. There are however factors that influence the shebeens' move from unlicensed to licensed businesses. The government has certain objectives and the new environment can be painted to describe new areas of impact on shebeens, such as legislative compliance, complexity of the application and approval process and restrictions, and a shortage of resources to assist the process. A lack of resources limits the ability of the law enforcement agencies to act in a consistent manner against unlicensed sellers of liquor. Operations by law enforcement agencies are irregular and depend to a large extent on the analysis of the crime threat that a particular unlicensed establishment presents to the area and their priorities regarding the allocation of resources. The unlicensed sale of liquor continues largely unabated and with little fear of consequences. The unlicensed trader, unlike his or her licensed counterpart, does not form part of the tax network. The unlicensed trader falls outside the regulatory network as far as land use requirements, trading hours and restrictions are concerned. The limited availability of resources prevents the allocation of financial incentives that in any event cannot compete with the aforesaid sustained trading advantages that the unlicensed trade provides. Providing an enabling environment for the emerging traders is an issue partly determined by the municipal planning authorities. A dilemma that is facing planning and licensing authorities encompasses the divergent interests of the currently unlicensed shebeens in residential areas and the interests of the surrounding residents. The involvement of communities determines the location of licensed liquor outlets. Factors affecting their impact include direct dealing with suppliers, people management (labour law), commercial competencies and business compliances such as tax, value added tax, stock management and community complaints. This research will look at the business environment and all aspects impacting the process and playing field in becoming formalised. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.