This thesis looks at how civil society organizations (CSOs) are working to address the issue of violence against women in Uganda. Specifically, it examines what types of organizations are working to address this issue, where their efforts fit into the public health ecological model for violence prevention, and to what extent they adopt a feminist perspective. In addition, I investigate how operational environments affect CSOs and what the organizations consider they have learned from their experiences. The study is primarily based on interviews conducted in the field with CSO representatives from various parts of Uganda. The findings suggest that the majority of the CSOs studied are grassroots or other indigenous women's organizations that undertake activities in multiple categories and thus adopt a holistic approach in addressing the issue of violence against women. Based on the public health ecological model for violence prevention, the overall picture that emerges is that the CSOs focus on primary level interventions, specifically concentrating their efforts on sensitization, awareness-raising, advocacy, and lobbying activities. In regards to their level of operations, my findings indicate that organizations favor community level interventions. All of the CSOs in the sample aim to address multiple at risk factors and most adopt a focus on multiple types of violence. In terms of the target population, the majority of interventions are universal, whereas both selective and indicated interventions primarily target women and girls. The study results indicate that the majority of the organizations adopt a feminist approach, either explicitly or implicitly. As a result, the CSOs focus on women's and girls' strategic interests and work towards the equal enjoyment of rights and opportunities. In addition, a majority of the activities that aim to address women's practical needs do so in ways that have high transformatory potential. Those interviewed report that CSOs face a variety of constraints from their operational environments. Inadequate human and financial resources, negative cultural and political climates, as well as competition between CSOs are impeding their efforts to end violence against women in Uganda. Only two positive factors were identified that contribute to the performance of CSOs – their dedicated members/staff/volunteers and networking with other organizations. From the CSO interview responses some common lessons emerged. These include addressing the causes instead of the symptoms of violence against women, in particular, addressing gender inequality and consequently involving men and other community members in violence prevention efforts. The organizations also emphasize the importance of appropriate methods and communication strategies when dealing with sensitive issues. Finally, although facilitating behavioral change is a long-term and arduous process, interventions that promote lasting change are considered critical in order to end gender-based violence. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science. / Fall Semester, 2006. / November 7, 2006. / Feminism, Civil Society Organizations, NGOs, Uganda, Violence Against Women, Gender Based Violence, CSOs, Feminist, Public Health / Includes bibliographical references. / Rebecca Miles, Professor Directing Thesis; Terence Coonan, Committee Member; Peter Easton, Committee Member.

Studies examining the relationship between technological advancements and politics demonstrate that this relationship remains closely connected. Numerous research efforts have focused on unpacking and further understanding this relationship to develop a better idea on the ways in which technology has acted as a motor of history, driving the transformation of factors such as class structures, ideas and institutions across the globe. This research is guided by an understanding and acknowledgement of the political nature of technological development. In highlighting this link, a valuable foundation for understanding this relationship is achieved, which is necessary when seeking to explore the ways in which innovative technologies influence the effectiveness and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations. In order to ensure that an evaluation of the ways in which innovative technologies can impact the effectiveness and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations is undertaken, this research is focused on firstly unpacking the relationship between technological advancement and politics through the use of a comprehensive literature review. It remains imperative to note that the study on the relationship between technological advancement and politics is incredibly broad. As such, for the purposes of this research emphasis will be placed on dealing with a small and focused aspect of this relationship, namely the impact of technological advancements on the effectiveness and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations. Through examining the work of scholars that have undertaken research focused on technological advancements and the impacts this has on politics and vice versa, a holistic understanding on the topic is achieved. Key arguments presented by scholars such as Feenberg, Ganne, Kamel and Sussman will be studied to ensure a rich vein of knowledge on the complex relationship of technology and politics is developed. Once this understanding has been established, an examination into two key schools of thought, namely technology as a tool of control or domination, and technology as a benign instrumental force are studied to highlight the main arguments presented by scholars that have studied the topic over decades. In order to ensure that an in-depth analysis is achieved, the positive and negative impacts of technological advancements on politics will be explored through assessing arguments presented by scholars that are focused on understanding the ways in which politics and technology are related. An examination into the ways in which innovative technologies can be leveraged to enhance the operations and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations will be undertaken. For the purposes of this research, blockchain technology has been selected as the innovative technology to be studied in relation to how domestic government agencies and international organisations can harness the opportunities presented by the technology. As such, an in-depth explanation into blockchain technology will be presented as well as a discussion pertaining to the opportunities and challenges associated with this technology. When examining the opportunities presented by blockchain technology two key features, namely improved transparency as well as efficient and cost-effective international payments will be discussed. With regards to the challenges associated with the use of blockchain technology, issues such as infrastructural infancy, limited organisational capacities, data privacy concerns and issues of governance will be outlined and discussed. This will ensure that an in-depth understanding into blockchain technology and its uses is demonstrated, which in turn contributes to a sound understanding when analysing the selected case studies used in this research. Once an understanding of the relationship between technological advancements and politics, as well as blockchain technology and its uses is established an analysis of the four selected case studies can be undertaken and effectively comprehended. For the purposes of this research, a case study methodology has been selected in terms of the focus on the use of blockchain technology. This is an area of study in which there has been much academic research conducted, but there are few analytically powerful theories that can help us understand recent technological changes. The potential impact of contemporary technological innovations, such as Blockchain, remains poorly understood. This study will use exploratory case studies to identify key processes and questions for further study, including concerning how the notions of “effectiveness” and “benign character” might be clarified and operationalised in further studies. A multi-case study approach has been taken in relation to the selection of examples included as case studies. These cases have been chosen both from the operations of domestic agencies and from the operations of international organisations in order to shed preliminary light on the differences between the domestic and international spheres of political and administrative activity. In order to begin to assess the ways in which innovative technologies influence the operations and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations, four key case studies have been selected to be included in this research. An assessment into the “e-Estonia” case study, where essential services and information flows were significantly improved as a result of the digitalisation of services made possible due to effective collaborations between by public and private sectors will be discussed as the first key case study. Secondly, an examination into the South African Reserve Bank's “Project Khokha” will demonstrate the opportunities and benefits associated with intentional research and exploration into the use of innovative technologies to enhance operations of domestic government departments. The e-Estonia and “Project Khokha” case studies are included in this research as they demonstrate the ways in which domestic government agencies have explored the use of technology to enhance their operations, while also highlighting key lessons learnt in the implementation of these projects. An assessment of the World Food Programme's “Building Blocks” initiative, will demonstrate the value of the exploration of innovative technologies such as blockchain for international organisations. This initiative demonstrates the ability of blockchain-based solutions to enhance operations and the distribution of aid for international organisations such as the World Food Programme. Finally, the UNICEF's Venture Fund has been included as a case study in this research to explore and demonstrate the ways in which disruptive technologies can be harnessed for positive change on a global scale. Through the use of the case studies listed above, the research will explore how and whether opportunities and potential are presented by innovative technologies such as blockchain for both domestic government agencies and international organisations. This research will also seek to understand barriers that currently exist when looking to implement blockchain-based solutions across the globe, how these limitations can be understood, and whether they are likely to be overcome with increased knowledge of the technology, and greater contributions by scholars interested in understanding the ways in which domestic government agencies and international organisations can enhance their operations through embracing innovative technologies.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves. 100-108). / This paper assesses the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China, determining whether it is pursuing an agenda to fully integrate into the international political order, or whether its policy comprises of a tactical quest for super-power status; it concludes by making a tentative prediction as to the trajectory of China's foreign policy in the coming decades. Optimists maintain that China's formation of complex economic and political ties with regional and international countries will bring both prosperity and security in the region, claiming that China's foreign affairs will focus on the maintenance and protection of these relations, upholding the political status quo. Pessimists, conversely, assert that Beijing's policy of integration is part of a wider strategy designed to build national power to a system-contending level. To establish the nature of China's foreign policy, this paper looks at two opposing theories of international relations which describe both interpretations: Complex Interdependence (supporting the optimists' interpretation) and Realism (supporting the pessimists' interpretation). In Part One, it reviews the key theorists of the twentieth century; it concludes that the Realist principles of Robert Gilpin, and the Complex Interdependence principles of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, represent the most reliable tenets of each theory. Thus the theoretical framework of the paper rests on the principles of these two interpretations of the Realist and Complex Interdependence theories. In Part Two of the paper, four indicators of China's foreign policy are assessed: 1. China in the World Economy; 2. China's International and Regional Relations; 3. China's National Defence; 4. China's Domestic Policy and Internal Characteristics. Each indicator is then analysed by applying the theories of Complex Interdependence and Realism to the data. The paper concludes by amalgamating the analyses of each indicator, making an overall assessment as to whether the theory of Realism or Complex Interdependence.

In this dissertation I critically engage with Alex De Waal’s understanding of the nature of legitimacy in the Horn of Africa and the concept he formulates to understand it and explain political behaviour in the Horn: the political marketplace. Through this process of critical engagement, I clarify the concept and make it more useful by embedding it within the social and religious realities of the Horn, which results in a reconceptualisation of the concept, which I call the political bazaar. This reworked concept is then used in conjunction with Talal Asad’s discursive tradition of Sunni Islam and Peter Ekeh’s primordial public to more parsimoniously, accurately and comprehensively conceptualise legitimacy in the Horn and explain why its pervasive political behaviour is bargaining. Ultimately, I attempt to both abide by Raymond Geuss’s first thesis: ‘Don’t look at just what they say, think, believe, but at what they actually do, and what actually happens as a result’, 1 and heed the warning he gives: ‘It is no sign of gimlet-eyed realism to deny the enormous real significance of religious practices, beliefs and institutions in the world, past and present, but rather a sign of simple blindness.’2

UN peace mission personnel sexual misconduct against women violates international norms and law, and persists despite the multitude of interventions aimed at combatting it. South African personnel have repeatedly been identified as perpetrators which calls into question whether the norms that prohibit such conduct have been internalised. Insufficient research has been conducted to interpret the relationships between the political dynamics of UN peace missions and the international norms that govern appropriate conduct towards women. By using a Constructivist lens to examine the mechanisms behind Norm Internalisation, and by analysing how this applies to South African personnel, this research identifies some of the reasons why South Africa’s apparent commitment to international norms about women does not always result in appropriate behaviour. The research examines the UN’s zero-tolerance policy and South Africa’s compliance therewith, demonstrating the challenges that the political dynamics between these two actors has in achieving Norm Internalisation. This research provides a foundation for future research on the topic of peacekeeper sexual misconduct by highlighting the role that norms can play in determining appropriate behaviour.

This study examined the main strategies adopted by the Angolan government in its post-conflict reconstruction efforts, and the extent to which these efforts have promoted durable peace in the country. The number of post-conflict countries on the continent is increasing, with 16 African countries already in the process of implementing peace agreements signed during the last decade. With research showing that up to 50 percent of post-conflict countries relapse into violent conflict within five to 10 years of signing a peace agreement, implementing practical and effective strategies to prevent a return to conflict becomes imperative. In the light of the limited experience of African countries in post-conflict situations, Angola presented an interesting case study. The oil and diamond rich country, emerging in 2002 from over 40 years of conflict, has been able to develop its own homegrown post-conflict reconstruction strategies. Notable progress in addressing some of its short-term post-conflict reconstruction priorities include, the successful resettlement of an estimated four million internally displaced persons (IDPs), and reintegrating more than half a million refugees and over 100 000 ex-combatants, into Angolan society. Progress in the areas of de-mining, as well as the rehabilitation of physical infrastructure, and increased enrolment in primary school education are other significant achievements. It is noteworthy that the Angolan government has, despite a lack of major international funding and overseas development assistance, been able to finance the majority of the expenses required for the country's reconstruction and re-Iaunching of the national economy. Importantly, the government's efforts have had some assistance in the form of oil-backed loans from China. Despite notable progress, such as the country's rapid economic growth, and being ranked 59th among the world's economies, Angola remains one of the most badly governed, corrupt, and unequal societies in the world. Credible improvements in the areas of good governance, socio-economic development, especially basic service delivery, and a more even distribution of the benefits of the country's oil wealth are vital in order to deliver significant peace dividends to the majority of the Angolan population. Making these improvements will be vital, and will influence considerably whether the country's post-conflict reconstruction efforts are ultimately successful.

This study investigates the deepening relations between Argentina and Southern Africa with specific reference to Angola and Mozambique. The enquiry notes the early years of the 2000s as the turning point that saw a sea change in Argentina‟s foreign policy towards these two countries. From nearly non-existent bilateral relations to concerted efforts to strengthen economic ties with the two Southern African countries by Argentina, these changes in Argentina‟s foreign policy are compelling for consideration as subjects of academic enquiry. The study seeks to understand the key motivations behind this new approach in Argentina‟s foreign policy, and using a case study approach, the study delves into the historical developments and other politically significant sequences of events in each of the two African countries in question to account for said foreign policy changes. As a theory of international relations, realism serves as a key anchor of this study, providing a magnifying lens that allows us to uncover economic considerations to be the key motivating factors behind Argentina‟s foreign policy. Despite Angola and Mozambique being endowed with natural resources, which provides a natural allure for countries such as Argentina to want to exploit, trade remains the key pillar of bilateral economic relations between Argentina and the two Southern African countries. These have been blossoming and reaching new heights. All this was facilitated by political stability in the two countries following a long period of civil wars that left the economies of Mozambique and Angola in deprived and crippled economic conditions.

The First Liberian Civil War began with an insurgency led by Charles Taylor on Christmas Eve in 1989. At the time, the company Firestone Liberia (one of many of the subsidiaries of the multinational, Bridgestone Corporation) had been operating the world’s largest rubber plantation in Liberia’s Margibi County for over six decades. Over the course of three years, Firestone engaged with various actors in the Liberian conflict theatre in order to continue operating its rubber plantation. The most notable of these actors was the warlord, Charles Taylor, a relationship for which Firestone Liberia has received much criticism. This case study is situated within the broader debate on the role of multinational corporations in host countries that descend into conflict. The existing literature on the topic exposes a potentially ambivalent role for private actors as either catalysts for aggravating conflict dynamics or promoters of peace within conflict zones. This research contends that insufficient attention has been paid to understanding the minutiae of corporate behaviour in contemporary conflict and that more in-depth low-n case studies are required before prescribing a positive role for companies in conflict zones. The findings of this paper reveal the importance of accounting for variables, such as conflict characteristics and geo-economic and geopolitical conditions, and how these limit the agency of private actors in situations of violent conflict.

This thesis enquires into the collective violence against foreigners in South Africa in April 2015. The aim of the study is to investigate the manner in which the media framed the attacks, and to analyse how both victims and perpetrators were presented in news articles. The research process utilised in this study is qualitative content analysis, and the study analyses 68 articles by six online news publications between the 13th and the 21st of April 2015. The thesis determines that the Daily Sun, News24, Independent Online (IOL News), Eyewitness News (EWN), Mail & Guardian, and the Daily Maverick presented both balanced and biased content between the 13th and 21st of April 2015. There was a great variety in how objectively the online news publications framed immigrants. Several online news publications included numerous sources and counter-arguments, while others did not. The Mail & Guardian and the Daily Maverick presented the most in-depth coverage of the violence, while the Daily Sun, News24, Independent Online (IOL News), and Eyewitness News (EWN) uncritically reproduced xenophobic language and statements during the attacks.

Scholars of economic interdependence argue that economic trade will diminish the longstanding disputes and rivalry, if any, leading nations to closer cooperation. However, this argument has failed to exhibit any validity in the case of Indo-China relations. Historically, the Sino-India relationship has been based as a love-hate relationship. Liberal scholars and reputable economists predict that the future of their relationship will be based on cooperation. But in reality, such a relationship has failed to manifest. Instead, both nations— despite the friendly rhetoric —view each other as rivals, if not enemies. This thesis will concentrate on exploring whether the economic interdependence argument holds true. To support their increasing bilateral economic cooperation, I used sources from India, China, and international economic institutions. I examine whether the increasing economic cooperation in the form of bilateral trade has reduced the undying border disputes and enduring rivalry associated with such disputes. After studying the unresolved border disputes, increase in the military buildup by both the sides, and misperception of each other in their actions, one can argue that Sino-India relations have the case of enduring rivalry, and it has never ended despite the increasingly closer economic cooperation. For that purpose, I explore the substantial literature from the Western, Indian and Chinese research institutions and academic scholars. Further, I research the perception of the leadership and strategic community in both India and China. Furthermore, both the nations have developed strategies to contain the influence of each other in their respective regions. Thus, bilateral trade between them has neither created closer cooperation as one might expect, nor reduced the security dilemma associated with power politics. Considering such a condition, this work expects that the future of Indo-China cooperation will more likely an enduring rivalry and be characterized by a security dilemma negating any influence of economic cooperation. In other words, the outlook of their relationship will more likely be conflictual based on power politics. / A Thesis submitted to the Program in International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science. / Spring Semester 2016. / April 15, 2016. / Includes bibliographical references. / Dale Smith, Professor Directing Thesis; Mark Souva, Committee Member; Michael Creswell, Committee Member.