In Japanese linguistics, multiple nominative sentences, passives and causatives have been widely discussed both in the fields of traditional grammar and generative grammar. Some arguments, mainly in generative grammar, are overviewed; and some counterarguments are presented. Furthermore, these constructions, which have been treated separately from each other in the grammar, are discussed together. Some interactions of these constructions, which have various types, are shown, with focus on one particular type in each construction. This particular type involves a relationship of two NPs, namely, an NPx -no NP relationship (NP's NP). In addition, with the utilization of bound morphemes such as sase (the causative morpheme), the lexical approach, which is a recent trend in generative grammar, is taken and defended.

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This thesis proposes an analysis of the tough construction in Japanese. It is proposed that there are actually two tough constructions, each derived by a different kind of movement. Three kinds of data which support the claim made here are presented: tough constructions with scrambling, tough constructions with reflexives, and nominals derived from tough constructions. It is argued that non-movement analysis is not appropriate and that both tough constructions are derived by movement. It is shown that tough constructions with a 'tend to' reading can also be accommodated by this analysis. The analysis accounts for a wide range of interactions between tough constructions and other phenomena, which have not been previously focused on in the literature.

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This thesis discusses Internally Headed Constructions in Japanese, specifically, the "Counter-Equi NP" (CENP) construction and the "Internally Headed Relative Clause" (MC) construction. In both of these constructions, an NP within the embedded clause is interpreted as an argument of the matrix clause. / There are two major goals in this thesis. The first goal is to provide a unified syntactic and semantic analysis of the CENP and IHRC constructions. I argue that the CENP construction is basically the same as the IHRC construction, even though some previous researchers have assumed the contrary (Kuroda 1992, 1999, Ohara 1996, Shimoyama 1999, among others). Furthermore, I argue that both the CENP NP and the MC NP are arguments of the matrix verbs. / The second goal is to closely examine the syntactic and semantic properties of the CENP construction and the IHRC construction. As discussed by Hoshi (1995) and Shimoyama (1999), the interpretation of the argument which is "modified by the IHRC" in these constructions is quite similar to that of E-type pronouns (Evans 1977a,b; 1980). In addition, there are some facts that show that the event of the embedded clause is linguistically connected to the event of the matrix clause. Regarding all these properties, the CENP construction behaves in the same manner as the IHRC construction. In this thesis, adapting the E-type pronoun analyses of the IHRC (Hoshi 1995 and Shimoyama 1999), I propose an alternative analysis of the CENP construction and the IHRC construction to capture those properties. / Moreover, even though the CENP construction and the IHRC construction share many properties with each other, there are some differences between them (Shimoyama 1999, among others). In particular, the CENP cannot appear as the subject of the matrix clause, whereas the IHRC can. However, we observe restrictions on possible internal heads with regard to the subject IHRC, in contrast to the CENP. This thesis tries to account for those differences under a unified analysis of the CENP construction and the IHRC construction, together with an analysis of the subject MC, which adapts Shimoyama's (1999) analysis of the IHRC.

Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1976. / Bibliography: leaves [372]-378. / Microfiche. / xiii, 378 leaves

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1980. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND HUMANITIES. / Vita. / Bibliography: leaves 218-223. / by Ann Kathleen Farmer. / Ph.D.

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