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Disertasi--Universiteit van Indonesie. / Bibliography: p. 259-274.

There are two main approaches to the study of kinship: (1) the study of organized or corporate kin groups and (2) the study of kinship ties from the social perspective of Ego. Since there are no corporate kin groups in North American society (except perhaps among certain minority groups) the second approach must be used by those interested in North American kinship. This means essentially the examination of the nature and extent of Ego's relationships with kin. Most recent theorists in the United States have denied that relatives are of any importance in North American society, and have stressed the isolation of the nuclear family, basing these statements on the demands of a democratic, urbanized and highly industrialized society. [...]

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Disertasi--Universiteit van Indonesie. / Bibliography: p. 259-274.

Thesis--University of Wisconsin-Madison. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [220]-227).

Thesis--Catholic University of America. / Bibliography: p. 69-71.

So far as is known the Serbian kinship system has not hitherto been fully explored. This thesis is an attempt to explain the intricacies and implications of the kinship terms. It is also an attempt to present the Serbian kinship system historically as well as contemporarily with the emphasis on the causes and consequences of social change. The kinship terminology is examined linguistically; the kinship system is examined anthropologically. In this respect the author finds an ideal meeting ground of the two disciplines. Throughout the thesis both disciplines are intermingled, being an integral part of each other. The terminology and system are examined from as many points of view as possible. The picture is given in toto without a value judgment. Besides presenting the kinship system as reflected in folk literature, the author also presents it in a less favourable light: the curses pertinent to the kin-terms are also mentioned. Consanguineal, affinal and ceremonial kin are given equal attention in this thesis, because they cannot be separated socio-culturally. Consanguineal kin-terms are the same regardless of the sex of the ego; affinal relatives have different terms depending on the sex of ego. Serbian kinship terminology is highly developed and indeed one of the most elaborate in existence. All Serbian kin-terms tend to be denotative. The kinship terms are developed equally for the ones that are not graphically represented as well as for those that are. There are 219 terms for 119 various kinship categories. For the relatives close to ego the number of synonyms is high, reaching a maximum of ten synonyms for the father. Because of the great number of synonyms the author has to introduce some new nomenclature: in this thesis, the STANDARD term is most conservative; the other terms are NON-STANDARD, / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate

This essay offers an analysis of the phenomena of normative matrilateral and patrilateral cross-cousin marriage. The review of prior literature is confined to studies which appear to be significantly opposed in approach to my own; the "exchange theories" of Levi-Strauss, Leach and Needham. Therefore, the review is conducted in the context of a discussion of some epistemological questions important to contemporary social anthropology. The major points of departure between the exchange theories and my own views center upon the question as to what we are to take as our analytic units: de facto corporate units or idealogically explicit social divisions. Whereas I opt for the former, explanatory propositions employ a concept of whole "groups" as their subject element only in an elliptical sense; "group" means a set of human actors. This view implies that, where human actors are our subject-element, it is not merely reasonable but is desirable to predicate phenomena of a motivational nature to them. Thus, both conscious decision-making and unconscious dispositions, admittedly in some sense "psychological", are valid forms of sociological analysis. Indeed, to my way of thinking they are the most powerful conceptions that we can presently form. In the last analysis I regard the predications of the exchange theories to be of precisely this order. My complaint is that this mode of predication is inconsistent with the confinement of our analytic subject-element to idealogical social divisions: whole-descent-groups. That approach, I argue, severely delimits our explanatory powers, especially in a context of structural change. These arguments are illustrated in an analysis of Purum data. My own models are based upon a series of concepts having to do with processes of role identification between personnel of adjacent generations. These processes, though not verbalized, find formal expression in the distribution of Ego's sexual cum marital privileges and taboos. This encompasses Ego's relations with many personnel, thereby extending the implications of the models' theoretical premises considerably beyond the cousin relationships taken as the initial problem. This extension in the scope of deductions permits the formulation of empirically testable hypotheses of value in the verification of the theoretical premises. The concepts and methods developed are illustrated and tested I think successfully against Murngin data. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

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