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In September 2017, one of Sweden's largest banks Nordea, announced their plan to move their legal head office from Sweden to Finland. The move was a direct consequence of two governmental reasons. Firstly, the plan to raise the bank taxes. Secondly, the fact that Finland is a member of The European Banking Union. A union Sweden has chosen to not take part of. The decision to move has been highly criticized in Swedish media. It has been portrayed as a simple tax avoidance and greediness decision. Nordea have defended themself from the critique with the motivation that they will still be paying Swedish tax, as they did before, and the move is actually beneficial to the stakeholders, customers as well as Nordea as a bank and business. Media has a great impact in portraying a situation, the aim of this thesis is to analyze how Swedish media framed the information about Nordea’s move during one months time as opposed to how Nordea have communicated the situation externally via press releases and Facebook posts. We have used the method of frame analysis while examining articles published by Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet and Aftonbladet as well as Nordeas own press releases and Facebook posts. The scientific bases have been Framing Theory and Situational Crisis Communication Theory. The main findings from this study was that Swedish media has portrayed the situation differently to Nordea’s own external communication.

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Abstract Title: What is being said about the Swedish Democrats (Vad sägs om Sverigedemokraterna?)   Authors: Alexandra Constantinidou, Jesper Thoresen   Aim: The purpose of this study is to develop knowledge of how newspapers in Sweden presents the political party Swedish Democrats. Also if there is any difference between the three newspapers presentation of the party.   Method/Material: We have analysed opinion articles from the three newspapers, Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. Our chosen method for analysis is qualitative content analysis   Main Results: Our results showed that none of the newspapers presented the party in a positive or neutral way. The harshest critic of the party was Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. Svenska Dagbladet were also harsh in its critique but more lenient than the two previous. The texts we have analysed mostly touched on the parties politics and its racist history.   Number of pages: 54  pages   Course: Media and Communication studies C   Department: Department of Informatics and media   University: Uppsala University   Period: Fall term 2018   Tutor: Kirill Filimonov   Keywords: Swedish Democrats, Populism, Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet

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Den här studien syftar till att undersöka hur förhållandet mellan kommunikatörer och journalister kan se ut utifrån ett kommunikatörsperspektiv. Detta för att öka förståelsen för hur kommunikationsyrket har utvecklats och hur det uttrycker sig i kommunikatörens makt att påverka mediernas innehåll. För att uppnå ytterligare förståelse för kommunikationssyrket tas även etik-aspekten upp. Materialet studien utgår från har samlats in genom semistrukturerade kvalitativa intervjuer med fem yrkesverksamma personer inom kommunikationsbranschen. Genom denna metod kan vi komma åt de enskilda erfarenheter och uppfattningar respondenterna har kring förhållandet mellan dem själva och journalisterna. De transkriberade intervjuerna har sedan tematiserats och resultatet har tolkats i relation till det teoretiska ramverket. Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgår främst från journalistikforskning med teorier som medielogik, dagordningsteorin, gestaltningsteorin och grindvaktsteorin, och har även kompletterats med definitioner av makt, opinionsbildning, etik, news management och information subsidy. Studiens analys visar fem teman som utmärker sig i materialet. Utifrån dessa kan vi utläsa hur kommunikatörer ser på förhållandet till journalister som att det finns ett ömsesidigt beroende, att det föreligger en stark respekt till journalistyrket, att gränserna mellan yrkena håller på att suddas ut, och att de etiska aspekterna i kommunikationsyrket främst handlar om att kommunicera sanning. Vi kommer fram till att kommunikatörers makt har ökat under de senaste decennierna och vi för en diskussion kring vad detta innebär. Slutsatsen vi drar är att det är viktigt att det finns en tydlig gräns mellan de båda yrkena så att journalistiken förblir objektiv.

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When accidents occur, it is essential that fire and rescue service respond quickly and efficiently to the accident site to reduce suffering and save lives and property. Planning and coordinating of fire and rescue resources is therefore important in order to maintain a safe society. Firefighters in Sweden have by tradition worked in teams of five, and they have been allocated to fire stations strategically located in populated areas. However, this working approach has recently started to change and the fire and rescue services have started to deploy smaller groups of firefighters. These smaller units can be, for example, strategically located near high-risk areas or roads, or used for preventive work. The complexity of the resource planning process thus increases since the decision makers have to keep track of a large number of small units spread over the area. The new way of working has resulted in an increased need of support tools that can help the fire and rescue services in decisions regarding the resource management. In this thesis, optimization based decision support tools are developed in order to to support the fire and rescue service so they can efficiently manage, coordinate and dispatch fire and rescue resources with respect to the present demand for service. To find appropriate strategic and tactical locations for different types of response units, an optimization model that minimizes the response time to expected accidents is developed. The model considers both the response time for the first responding unit as well as the response time for the last responding unit. Furthermore, the model is flexible enough to incorporate any type of accidents or resources. The results show that the model can be used to produce practical support for various types of location decisions. To support the more complex operational planning, three optimization based decision support tools are developed. The tools can help the fire and rescue service to always maintain an adequate level of preparedness for handling accidents. To evaluate the preparedness, a quantitative measure has been defined and serves as the basis for the tools. The first tool can help illustrate the preparedness, the second tool to select appropriate vehicles and firefighters to dispatch to accidents, and the third tool to suggest how resources can be relocated to maintain an adequate preparedness for new accidents. The developed decision support tools are evaluated through tests and experiments with fire and rescue services in Sweden. Results from the experiments indicate that the three tools can support the fire and rescue service in operational decisions and in maintaining an adequate preparedness for handling accidents, but also that the planning time seems to increase when using the support tools. However, the participants’ experiences of the tools were in general positive, and they thought the tools were useful and that the tools could support their daily work. The perception of preparedness, which usually varies quite a bit among individuals, also seems to become more uniform with access to the tools.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att åskådliggöra hur Alternativ för Sverige (AfS) och Sverigedemokraterna (SD) kommunicerar i sociala medier och att bidra med kunskap kring hur respektive parti positionerar sig i relation till högerpopulistiska aktörer och ”alt-right” i de digitala politiska landskap som växt fram under de senaste åren. I uppsatsen undersöks detta genom en innehållsanalys av partiernas kommunikation på Facebook, samt genom en undersökning av vilka relationer AfS och SD har till andra aktörer i sociala medier med hjälp av en social nätverksanalys. Genom att analysera explicit innehåll på Facebooksidan (Facebook-inlägg) och mer implicita relationer till andra personer och/eller organisationer, åsyftar studien att granska partiernas kommunikativa innehåll och kontextuella politiska positionering. Dels utifrån ett nationellt perspektiv, samt utifrån ett internationellt perspektiv avseende ”alt-right- rörelsens” beteende och positionering online de senaste åren. De frågeställningar som följer genom studien är: • Hur skiljer sig AfS och SD:s kommunikation på Facebook åt inför riksdagsvalet 2018, samt vilka likheter har de?  • Hur ser AfS nätverk ut i jämförelse med SD:s? Vilka aktörer har de kopplingar till och avspeglar sig deras sociala nätverk i partiernas kommunikation på Facebook?  • Vilket kommunikativt fokus använder AfS respektive SD i Facebook-inläggen? Vilka nyhetsteman, källhänvisning, format och känslor är återkommande, samt i vilken grad svartmålar partierna politiska motståndare?   • Vilken grad av engagemang generar olika fokus på partiernas Facebook-sidor? Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk utgår från tidigare forskning som kan sammanfattas utifrån två övergripande teman. Det första temat är forskning kring ”alt-right” och den anti-etablissemangsrörelse som denna har utmynnat i under de senaste åren i det digitala landskapet. Det andra temat är högerpopulism online – i vilken kontext finner vi högerpopulism och hur manifesteras den online? Dessa teman överlappar varandra på så sätt att den högerpopulism som manifesteras online ofta sker genom aktörer som kategoriseras som ”alt-right”, samt att ”alt-right” och högerpopulistiska aktörer i hög grad diskuterar samma politiska områden, inte minst migration och kritik gentemot etablerade politiker och massmedia.    I uppsatsen har en komparativ innehållsanalys kompletterats med en social nätverksanalys. I den komparativa innehållsanalysen har kommunikativt innehåll i Facebook-inlägg jämförts mellan AfS och SD:s Facebook-sidor. Samtliga Facebook-inlägg som partiernas officiella Facebook-sidor publicerat veckan inför riksdagsvalet 2018 har kodats genom variabler med koppling till studiens frågeställningar. I den sociala nätverksanalysen har partiernas och partiledarnas officiella Facebook-sidor analyserats. Det har också genomförts en social nätverksanalys baserat på omnämnanden av AfS Twitter-konto på Twitter. Resultaten visar att AfS hänvisar till och använder sig av alternativmedier i hög grad och av etablerade medier i låg grad, samtidigt som förhållandet är det motsatta hos SD. Båda partierna har dock kopplingar till 2  alternativmedier i deras sociala nätverk. I AfS sociala nätverk ingår många aktörer utanför partiet, ofta sådana med koppling till ”alt-right” i andra länder, medan SD:s nätverk endast består av aktörer som representerar partiet. Partiledarna Gustav Kasselstrand (AfS) och Jimmie Åkesson (SD) är centrala i partiernas sociala nätverk. I AfS sociala nätverk har Kasselstrand i högre grad kopplingar till personer (till exempel andra personer inom ledningen i AfS) medan Åkesson i SD:s sociala nätverk har kopplingar till enheter och funktioner inom partiet.  Migration som nyhetsämne på Facebook är överrepresenterat hos både AfS och SD, särskilt för AfS. Både AfS och SD använder sig mer av negativa känslor än positiva känslor och svartmålar politiska motståndare i hög grad i sina Facebook-inlägg. Sådana Facebook-inlägg genererar också i genomsnitt en högre grad av engagemang än andra inlägg. AfS använder sig av Facebook-inlägg som innehåller mobilisering i högre grad än SD. / The purpose of this study is to understand how Alternative for Sweden (AfS) and the Swedish Democrats (SD) communicate in social media. The study can contribute with knowledge about how these parties can be seen in relation to right-wing populist actors and "alt-right" in the digital political landscapes that have emerged in recent years. This is done through a content analysis of the parties' communication on Facebook, and by examining the connections and relationships AfS and SD have with other actors in social media through a social network analysis. By analyzing explicit content on the Facebook page (Facebook posts) and implicit relationships with other people and / or organizations, the study aims to examine the parties' communicative content and contextual political positioning. Partly from a national perspective, as well as from an international perspective regarding the "alt-right movement" behavior and positioning online in recent years. The questions that follow through the study are: • How do AfS and SD's communication on Facebook differ for the parliamentary elections 2018, and what similarities do they have? • What does the AfS network look like compared to SD's? Which actors do they have connections to and does the social networks reflect in the parties' communication on Facebook? • What communicative focus does AfS and SD use in Facebook posts? What news themes, source reference, format and emotions are recurring, and to what extent do the parties focus on political opponents?  • What level of engagement gives different focus on the parties' Facebook pages? The thesis's theoretical framework is based on previous research, which can be summarized based on two general themes. The first theme is research on "Alt-right" and the anti-establishment movement that this has spawned in recent years in the digital landscape. The second theme is right-wing populism online - in what context do we find right-wing populism and how is it manifested online? These themes overlap in such a way that the right-wing populism manifested online often has actors categorized as "alt-right," and they largely discuss the same policy areas, not least migration and criticism of established politicians and the media. In the study, a comparative content analysis has been supplemented with a social network analysis. In the comparative content analysis, communicative content in Facebook posts has been compared between AfS and SD's Facebook pages. All Facebook posts that the parties' official Facebook pages published the week before the election have been coded by variables linked to the study's issues. In the social network analysis, the parties 'and party leaders' official Facebook pages have been analyzed. A social network analysis has also been conducted based on mentions of the AfS Twitter account on Twitter. The results show that AfS refers to and uses alternative media to a large extent and of established media to a low degree, while the relationship is the opposite of SD. However, both parties have links to alternative media in their social networks. AfS social networks have connections to many actors outside the party, often those with connections to "alt-right" in other countries, while SD's network consists only of actors 4  representing the party. Party leaders Gustav Kasselstrand (AfS) and Jimmie Åkesson (SD) are central to the parties' social networks. In AfS social networks, Kasselstrand has more connections to people (for example other people in the management of AfS) while Åkesson in SD's social network has connections to units and functions within the party.  Migration as a news topic on Facebook is over-represented by both AfS and SD, especially for AfS. Both AfS and SD use more negative emotions than positive emotions and discredit political opponents to a great extent in their Facebook posts. Such Facebook posts also generate, on average, a higher level of engagement than other posts. AfS uses Facebook posts that contain mobilization to a greater extent than SD.