Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kansas, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-370).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Colorado, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-175).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 269-312).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Texas, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-153).

In an inquiry into national behavior, students of international relations treat national data as independent variables. Students of comparative politics treat them as dependent variables in an attempt to compute foreign policy outputs. There is reason to believe that international and comparative studies can be incorporated into a system of linkage politics. This study employs the framework of "linkage politics" of James N. Rosenau in an attempt to investigate the North Korean confrontation policy from 1953 to 1970. The basic assumption upon which this research operates is that the foreign policy of the North Korea has been a function of "fused linkages" between the nation's international environment and national conditions. "Fused linkage" is defined as a phenomenon by which certain national outputs and environmental inputs reciprocate in a continuous cycle. Thus the fused linkage case for North Korea's confrontation is defined as "circular confrontation." Based on Rosenau's proposed linkage framework, this study presents its own analytical framework. The major linkage groups are conceived of "exogenous" and "endogenous" conditions. Both of these conditions are divided into "constants" and "variables" and are treated as such. Each of these conditions was in turn analyzed with reference to relevant referents. Throughout the study particular attention is given to linkage processes between the two conditions.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The North Korean nuclear issue reached a dangerous impasse in the recent months as North Korea continues to resist international pressure to halt its nuclear weapons and missile programs. North Korea watchers and nuclear experts estimate that North Korea could have up to six or seven plutonium-based nuclear bombs by now. Indeed, North Korea announced to the world in October 2003 that they now have the capability of "nuclear deterrence." All would agree that a nuclear-weaponized North Korea will have grave consequences on the Korean Peninsula and the East Asia region. Accordingly, this thesis contends that the Bush administration miscalculated in its policy on North Korea by letting their "preemption" doctrine cloud their judgment on what is the most feasible and prudent policy vis--Ì vis North Korea. So, what now? What should the US policy toward North Korea be going forward? Given the events in the last year or so, this paper makes the assumption that North Korea already possesses nuclear weapons. Indeed, the CIA has made formal statements saying that North Korea, in essence, already possesses nuclear weapons. The intelligence service believes that conventional explosives tests, conducted since the 1980s, have allowed the North Koreans to verify that their nuclear designs would work. The agency believes North Korea has one or two nuclear weapons similar to what the United States dropped on Hiroshima during World War II. Given these circumstances and the policy options available to the Bush administration, the best course of action and the most elegant solution to this messy problem, is to adopt a policy of unifying the two Koreas. A reunified Korea would satisfy most U.S. interests and would solve the most pressing and dangerous problem: the nuclear issue. Granted, it is not the most optimal option and there are some potential drawbacks but, nevertheless, it is the best option available. In this scenario, there is no "good" option; one has to choose the "least-worse" policy option. In essence, the U.S. has to make the best of a bad situation. / Major, United States Air Force

Approved for release; distribution is unlimited / Computer network operations (CNO) can be considered a relatively new phenomenon being encount modern warfare. Computer network operation is comprised of three components, computer network attack computer network exploitation (CNE), and computer network defense (CND). Computer network attack is def operations to disrupt, deny, degrade, or destroy information resident in computer networks, or the computers and ne themselves. Computer network exploitation is the intelligence collection and enabling operations to gather data from adversary automated information systems (AIS) or networks. Finally, computer network defense are those me internal to the protected entity, taken to protect and defend information, computers, and networks from disruption, degradation, or destruction. No longer is warfare limited to the use of kinetic weapons and conventional methods of war. Computer network operations have become an integral part of our adversary's arsenal and more attention must be paid to the effects of CNO activities, particularly CNA and CNE being conducted by our adversaries. Of the many states suspected of conducting active CNO activities against the United States and other nations, none warrants more attention than North Korea. This thesis presents the development of methodology using information available from open sources. This work is intended to prove that a useful methodology for assessing the CNO capabilities and limitations of North Korea can be developed using only open source information. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

Jang, Seong Jung EU has been engaged in North Korean affairs since it started humanitarian aid in 1990s. EU has developed institutional grounds for the diplomatic relation and it has implemented foreign policy towards North Korea in the context of Asia strategy. Its approach to North Korea is connected with Neo-liberal thinking. It stressed the international cooperation to resolve the nuclear problem, and utilized political dialogues and international institution to improve the poor human rights in North Korea. It also continued humanitarian aid irrespective of security problem, and offered economic cooperation programs for the economic development of North Korea. However, EU is not in the strong position to affect the security issue in the Korean peninsula due to various causes such as the geopolitical distance. Moreover, EU's economic cooperation programs are often frustrated by the political constraints. Rather, it puts the energy in keeping the position by playing a leading role in the improvement of human rights and continuing humanitarian aid. This policy trend will be continued in the near future. Though there are limited capacity, EU has strengths in part to contribute to the settlement of the North Korean issues with a few reasons. First, EU gains a favorable position to access to North...

Typescript. / Bibliography: [247]-257. / Photocopy. / xiii, 257 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2007. / "National Defense Univ Norfolk VA"--DTIC cover. Vita. "5 April 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-77). Also available via the Internet.