Thesis (PhD)--University of Adelaide, 1996. / Photocopy reproduction. Bibliography: p. 273-312.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 515-529). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11621

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Iowa, 2007. / Supervisor: Kevin T. Leicht. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 211-221).

This study examined women’s committees in two public sector unions in British Columbia with predominantly female memberships over a twenty year period. The question addressed was how and under what circumstances the committees could secure gains for women, given a context where women remain at a power disadvantage relative to men. Gains sought were of three types: 1) improvements in contract clauses particularly beneficial to women; 2) increased female participation in union governance; and 3) structural changes conducive to future increases in female participation in union governance. Structures as defmed included both formal structures and other regularized procedures, including processes of communication, decision making and resource distribution. Based on literatures from several disciplines, a power model was developed that guided data collection. Data were collected via archival research and semi-structured interviews, and analyzed qualitatively. The study found that the structures governing how the committees operated were significant factors in committee effectiveness and that the active cooperation of the leadership and/or the membership ensured that structures conducive to committee effectiveness existed. The committees’ major challenge was to align their goals with those of the leadership or the membership in order to generate the level of support that would permit them to achieve their goals. The degree of alignment between committee and membership goals affected to what extent the committee could secure goals not supported by the leadership and was the major variable affecting committee power. However, committee power was not necessarily associated with the level of gains achieved for women because both leadership and membership actions and existing union structures could induce outcomes for women not orchestrated by the committees. As a result of this research, the initial power model was refined and the restrictions on the committees’ and leaderships’ use of power were clarified. The utility of crossing the disciplinary boundaries between organizational theory, industrial relations, and political science to explore how power is exercised in unions was demonstrated. Support for the political model of organizations was generated, suggesting that insights gained from the study of unions might advance organizational theorizing. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

Despite the connection between labor status and citizenship in Black history, little scholarly consideration has been given to the specific role of labor organizations in Black political participation. This research examines the impact of labor union membership on Black political activity in the immediate post-Civil Rights period, and argues that, similarly to churches and voluntary associations such as the NAACP, labor unions are an important vehicle for political mobilization of the Black community. Results show that Black union members were significantly more likely than non-members to participate in a range of electoral and non-electoral political activities, and to a greater degree, especially members with less education. Considering both demographic shifts in the labor movement and the recent upsurge in Black political activity vis a vis the Black Lives Matter movement, understanding the potential of labor unions as a site of political activism for the Black community---one that can address both political and economic issues---could be important to the growth and sustenance of both movements.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2005. / Supervisor: Neil Foley. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

There is a general view that women have joined trade unions in large numbers in the work environment. However, it is clear that in spite of such large numbers, there are low levels of representativity as well as low levels of active involvement among the women members. As a consequence, women do not have enough bargaining power within the unions. This study investigates reasons for this low level of representativity and active involvement of women members in BOSETU. This research, therefore, aims at finding out the extent to which Botswana secondary school women unionists face challenges in terms of their participation and representation in BOSETU. The data was collected from a sample of female and male trade unionists from Botswana Secondary School Teachers Union (BOSETU), which is one of the Botswana Public Sector Unions. This study adopted a qualitative research methodology using a triangulation of methods through the use of interviews, observation and documentary analysis. There were two separate interview schedules; one for the women unionists and the other for key informants. The study drew on Feminist Theories such as patriarchy to explain the low levels of participation and representation of women in trade unions. The study further points out that there are marginally more women in BOSETU than men. However, in spite of this numerical advantage, their membership is neither proportionally represented in the union leadership hierarchy nor is their participation in union affairs robust enough. These findings are consistent with the literature on gender and trade unionism which indicate that there are several obstacles to women participation and representation in unions. vii This study contributes to the body of existing knowledge about women in trade unions. It confirms findings of other studies that women still experience structural disadvantages as unionists, despite trade unions’ constitutional support and the changing environment in legislature.

Labor unions are an integral part of the economy of the United States. At the grass roots, union influence and/or effectiveness depends on the local union organization, its management, and its relationship to and involvement in community affairs. This influence and involvement is focused on the local union leadership in the person of the business agent. A substantial body of literature exists on leadership in general as well as specific information about leadership in labor unions, and includes contributions from the fields of Sociology and Psychology as well as Economics. This research paper is a study of local union business agents in the Portland, Oregon area comparing them to and categorizing them in accordance with the criteria set up by others as well as suggesting new divisions that were found useful in the course of this research. Data for this research were obtained from personal interviews with the agents of thirty union locals ranging in size from the largest local in the area to one of the smallest, and by studying the yearly financial reports on file in the local office of the Labor-Management Services Administration of the United States Department of Labor. This research tabulates the thirty business agents as to age, sex, family background, education, length of union membership, and reasons for seeking office. Gross salaries paid to the local business agents are also tabulated along with a discussion of how these salaries are set. Total membership figures are given so that a per capita expense figure can be estimated for an individual member's contribution to the support of his business agent. From the results of this survey one may conclude that effective leadership was in evidence in at least some of the locals studied, leadership that provided not only econonric services but inspiration toward intellectual growth and toward increasing effective union action in helping solve some of the complex social and economic problems of the area. One may also conclude that local union organizations in the area are managed by cornpetent, honest, industrious men and women who recognize that what benefits the working men and women of the area, benefits the entire community.

In order to study the different social networks and institutions that shape the access to work and working conditions for the undocumented Bolivian migrant workers in Sweden, I have a conducted a qualitative research. This research specifically looks into how the Bolivian social networks in Stockholm are organized in terms of the access to labor market for undocumented immigrants from Bolivia. Another research dimension will be to explore the social relationships within these social networks and their internal hierarchy. The eight conducted interviews of undocumented, and previously undocumented, Bolivian migrant workers have determined the perception of the undocumented migrants’ life and working conditions. Through their testimonies I have grasped the information of what kind of social networks operate among the undocumented Bolivian labor migrants in Stockholm. With four interviews directed to four labor union representatives there has also been unraveled what the relationship are between the Bolivian social networks and the formal Swedish labor unions, and reversely. Actor network theory has been used as a perspective and a tool to examine the undocumented migrants’ perceptions of the main actors within these networks. The role of the social networks has, in terms of access to the labor market, a big influence on the undocumented Bolivian migrants and how they perceive and approach the Swedish labor unions.

This study constructs a analytical framework in which the Labor Union has full bargaining power and firms are heterogeneous to analyze the economic effect for adjustment of minimum wage ratio. There are two features in this model. First, every firm shows heterogeneity in productivity and survivors of the market are only those with good productivity. Second, the labor union has sufficient power to bargain wage ratio. The main findings of this study include: 1. Increase in the minimum wage ratio raises the survival threshold and labor wage ratio, but decreases the numbers of firms. 2. Increase in the minimum wage ratio does not necessarily result in decrease of labor demand.