This dissertation investigates intra-clausal relations, namely, the relations that obtain between the elements in a clause. This investigation is based on a detailed study of copular sentences in Russian and Italian. In particular, three types of intra-clausal relations are investigated here: phrase-structural relations, thematic relations, and case relations. / With respect to phrase-structural relations, it is argued that not all syntactic structures are asymmetrical. Rather, it is proposed that under certain conditions---when the two input phrases have the same features---Merge will result in a symmetrical structure. This requirement for matching features leads to a more parsimonious analysis of equative sentences where the interpretation derives directly from the syntactic structure, without postulating a special "identity copula". / As for thematic relations, it is claimed that there is no one-to-one correspondence between thematic positions and structural positions (contra the strong version of UTAH, Baker 1988). Instead, a more flexible theory of thematic relations is proposed. It is also proposed that theta-assignment is not a necessary condition for DP interpretation. Rather, a DP can be interpreted if it establishes a certain relationship with another theta-marked DP. This analysis extends to Left Dislocation, Pronoun Doubling and sound like -construction. / Finally, case relations are said to be tied to thematic relations. A version of the Visibility Condition is thus argued for. It is maintained that non-argument DPs---namely, those that are merged as neither complements nor specifiers of a lexical head---need not be case-marked in syntax at all and appear with the morphological default (i.e., nominative) marking. The alternative "agreement in case" analysis of NOM-NOM sentences is argued against; various conceptual and empirical problems for this analysis are identified and discussed. / The analysis developed in this dissertation accounts for a number of properties of copular sentences, including their interpretation, case-marking patterns, and such syntactic properties as extraction, inversion, binding possibilities and unaccusativity diagnostics.

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In Japanese linguistics, multiple nominative sentences, passives and causatives have been widely discussed both in the fields of traditional grammar and generative grammar. Some arguments, mainly in generative grammar, are overviewed; and some counterarguments are presented. Furthermore, these constructions, which have been treated separately from each other in the grammar, are discussed together. Some interactions of these constructions, which have various types, are shown, with focus on one particular type in each construction. This particular type involves a relationship of two NPs, namely, an NPx -no NP relationship (NP's NP). In addition, with the utilization of bound morphemes such as sase (the causative morpheme), the lexical approach, which is a recent trend in generative grammar, is taken and defended.

手稿本. / Thesis (碩士)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 348-360). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 論衡篇名表 --- p.1 / 凡例 --- p.14 / 緒言 --- p.17 / Chapter 〈1〉 --- 接近口語的語法特色 --- p.1 / Chapter 〈1.1〉 --- 新興的被動形式 --- p.5 / Chapter 〈1.1.1〉 --- ｢為…所｣被動式 --- p.9 / Chapter 〈1.1.2〉 --- ｢被｣字被動式 --- p.13 / Chapter 〈1.2〉 --- 新興的繁詞是　 --- p.20 / Chapter 〈1.3〉 --- 新與的介詞 --- p.30 / Chapter 〈1.3.1〉 --- 從 --- p.30 / Chapter 〈1.3.2〉 --- 到 --- p.38 / Chapter 〈1.4〉 --- 其他詞類的新與用法 --- p.41 / Chapter 〈1.4.1〉 --- 說 --- p.41 / Chapter 〈1.4.2〉 --- 案 --- p.43 / Chapter 〈1.4.3〉 --- 起 --- p.48 / Chapter 〈1.4.4〉 --- 到 --- p.50 / Chapter 〈1.4.5〉 --- 或時 --- p.53 / Chapter 〈1.4.6〉 --- 都 --- p.56 / Chapter 〈1.4.7〉 --- 成事 --- p.58 / Chapter 〈1.4.8〉 --- 等 --- p.63 / Chapter 〈1.5〉 --- 複音詞的使用 --- p.66 / Chapter 〈1.5.1〉 --- 單音詞轉為複音詞 --- p.67 / Chapter 〈1.6〉 --- 小結 --- p.77 / 注釋 --- p.79 / Chapter 〈2〉 --- 動辭連用結構 --- p.83 / Chapter 〈2.1〉 --- 並列式的動詞連用 --- p.84 / Chapter 〈2.2〉 --- 連動式的動詞連用　 --- p.87 / Chapter 〈2.3〉 --- 領賓補語的動詞連用 --- p.89 / Chapter 〈2.3.1〉 --- 及物動詞的領賓補語 --- p.92 / Chapter 〈2.3.2〉 --- 不及物動詞的領賓補語 --- p.98 / Chapter 〈2.4〉 --- 結果補語的動詞連用　 --- p.102 / Chapter 〈2.4.1〉 --- 賓語及行動結果的分析 --- p.103 / Chapter 〈2.4.2〉 --- 連用動詞的分析　 --- p.109 / Chapter 〈2.4.2.1〉 --- 及物動詞┼及物動詞的連用 --- p.109 / Chapter 〈2.4.2.2〉 --- 及物動詞┼不及物動詞的連用 --- p.118 / Chapter 〈2.4.2.3〉 --- 不及物動詞┼不及物動詞的連用 --- p.129 / Chapter 〈2.4.3〉 --- 結果補語結構中形容詞代動詞 --- p.132 / Chapter 〈2.4.4〉 --- 形容詞充任結果式的第一部分 --- p.135 / Chapter 〈2.5〉 --- 動向補語的動詞連用 --- p.138 / Chapter 〈2.5.1〉 --- 以｢出̐£入｣為動向補語的動詞連用 --- p.141 / Chapter 〈2.5.2〉 --- 以｢來̐£去｣為動向補語的動詞連用 --- p.148 / Chapter 〈2.5.3〉 --- 動向補語的引申意義 --- p.152 / Chapter 〈2.5.4〉 --- 其他動向補語 --- p.157 / Chapter 〈2.5.5〉 --- 複動向補語 --- p.162 / Chapter 〈2.6〉 --- 其他補語結構　 --- p.165 / Chapter 〈2.6.1〉 --- ｢得｣字補語　 --- p.165 / Chapter 〈2.6.2〉 --- ｢著｣字補語 --- p.173 / Chapter 〈2.7〉 --- 小結 --- p.175 / 注釋 --- p.176 / Chapter 〈3〉 --- 數量詞的結構 --- p.179 / Chapter 〈3.1〉 --- 量詞的組合情形 --- p.179 / Chapter 〈3.2〉 --- 動量詞的使用問題 --- p.199 / Chapter 〈3.3〉 --- 從論衡看漢代的量詞 --- p.202 / Chapter 〈3.3.1〉 --- 塊 --- p.204 / Chapter 〈3.3.2〉 --- 把 --- p.206 / Chapter 〈3.3.3〉 --- 鑊 --- p.208 / Chapter 〈3.3.4〉 --- 節　 --- p.210 / Chapter 〈3.3.5〉 --- 札 --- p.212 / Chapter 〈3.3.6〉 --- 條 --- p.214 / Chapter 〈3.3.7〉 --- 本 --- p.216 / Chapter 〈3.3.8〉 --- 炬 --- p.218 / Chapter 〈3.3.9〉 --- 行 --- p.220 / Chapter 〈3.3.10〉 --- 合 --- p.222 / Chapter 〈3.3.11〉 --- 種 --- p.224 / Chapter 〈3.4〉 --- 論衡量詞的分析 --- p.226 / Chapter 〈3.4.1〉 --- 分工及共性量詞問題 --- p.229 / Chapter 〈3.5〉 --- 小結 --- p.234 / 注釋 --- p.240 / Chapter 〈4〉 --- 疑問詞的特徵 --- p.243 / Chapter 〈4.1〉 --- 新興疑問詞的問題 --- p.243 / Chapter 〈4.1.1〉 --- 寧 --- p.244 / Chapter 〈4.1.2〉 --- 曾 --- p.247 / Chapter 〈4.1.3〉 --- 未 --- p.249 / Chapter 〈4.1.4〉 --- 不 --- p.253 / Chapter 〈4.2〉 --- 疑問代詞｢何｣的特徵 --- p.260 / Chapter 〈4.2.1〉 --- ｢何｣字位置的變換 --- p.266 / Chapter 〈4.2.2〉 --- 以｢何｣字組成的短問句 --- p.276 / Chapter 〈4.2.3〉 --- ｢何｣字其他組何形式 --- p.280 / Chapter 〈4.2.3.1〉 --- 何等 --- p.280 / Chapter 〈4.2.3.2〉 --- 何嫌 --- p.286 / Chapter 〈4.2.3.3〉 --- 何許 --- p.291 / Chapter 〈4.3〉 --- 疑問代詞｢誰｣的特徵 --- p.294 / Chapter 〈4.4〉 --- 小結 --- p.302 / 注釋 --- p.304 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 接近口語的詞彙　　 --- p.308 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 成語 --- p.316 / Chapter 附錄三 --- 自序對換的複音詞 --- p.327 / 工具書及參考書目 --- p.348

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

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This thesis is the first work devoted specifically to the syntax of wh-questions in a Southern Interior Salish language. As such, it provides a descriptive foundation for future work on the syntax of Okanagan, as well as forming the basis for comparative investigation of wh-questions both within the Southern Interior branch of the Salish family and between the Southern Interior and other better known branches. Chapter 2 examines the basic word order patterns for clauses and describes the distribution of determiners and complementizers in cleft constructions. Chapter 3 compares three potential analyses of wh-questions for Okanagan: a wh-in-situ analysis,, a wh-movement analysis, and a cleft analysis. I show that a wh-in-situ analysis was not viable for Okanagan on the basis of a comparison of word order possibilities in non-wh sentences and wh-questions. I then turned to the other two possible analyses, a wh-movement analysis along the lines of English, and a cleft analysis, as suggested for other Salish languages by Davis et al (1993) and Kroeber (1991, 1999). Choosing between these analyses proved much more difficult: evidence exists both for and against each analysis, and I was unable to choose between them. Chapter 4 examines multiple wh-questions in Okanagan. It appeared possible for at least some speakers to produce multiple wh-questions with either two argument wh-phrases or an argument and an adjunct wh-phrase. The latter type of multiple wh-question showed an interesting type of reverse superiority effect: speakers consistently preferred to place the argument wh-phrase in preverbal position and the adjunct wh-phrase in post-verbal position. If this really is a superiority effect, it implies that the relative structural positions of adjuncts and arguments are the opposite of those found in English. Chapter 5 investigates long-range wh-dependencies. First of all, I established that such dependencies are indeed possible. I show that long-range dependencies are sensitive to at least three standard island constraints: the Complex Noun Phrase Constraint, the Wh-Island Constraint and the Adjunct Island Constraint. Though I was unable to choose between a wh-movement and a wh-cleft analysis for wh-questions, my research unequivocally establishes the existence of A-bar movement dependencies in Okanagan. This is demonstrated by the existence of long-range movement assymetries as shown by superiority effects in multiple wh-questions and by the existence of adjunct island effects which argue strongly that there must be a configurational basis for the argument/adjunct distinction contra the Pronominal Argument Hypothesis (see Jelinek and Demers 1994 on Northern Straits Salish). Another important consequence of this work is the distinction between two types of focus structure in Okanagan. On the one hand, as in other Salish languages, a nominal predicate (including a wh-predicate based on the argument wh-words swit and stim') may occur with a relative clause introduced by the determiner i?; on the other hand both adjunct and argument DP's (including wh-adjuncts) may occur in cleft structures introduced by one of the complementizers ki?and ta?. Though this distinction corresponds in some ways to that between 'bare' and 'introduced' clefts in other Salish languages (see Kroeber 1999, pg. 370-373), the details of the introduced cleft construction in particular differ in significant ways from the rest of Salish. It remains to be seen how other Southern Interior languages behave in this respect.

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This thesis proposes an analysis of the tough construction in Japanese. It is proposed that there are actually two tough constructions, each derived by a different kind of movement. Three kinds of data which support the claim made here are presented: tough constructions with scrambling, tough constructions with reflexives, and nominals derived from tough constructions. It is argued that non-movement analysis is not appropriate and that both tough constructions are derived by movement. It is shown that tough constructions with a 'tend to' reading can also be accommodated by this analysis. The analysis accounts for a wide range of interactions between tough constructions and other phenomena, which have not been previously focused on in the literature.