This study explores three syntactic issues in the Romanian DP: the cliticization of the definite article, the syntactic position of postnominal APs, and the syntactic properties and position of cel. / First, I show that the affixation of the definite article can be derived by syntactic head movement of the host element to D0. The distributional asymmetries among adjectives with respect to the definite article are accounted for by hypothesizing that they occur in two structurally distinct positions. Adjectives that surface prenominally are heads in the extended nominal projection; while adjectives that surface postnominally are maximal projections. I show that prenominal adjectives (a) block head-movement of the noun to D 0, (b) bypass the same elements as the noun, and (c) are blocked by the same element as the noun. / In chapter 3, I claim that APs surfacing between the noun and its complement are generated to the left of N; and APs that follow the complement of the noun are generated to the right. The postnominal surface position of the former APs is derived by leftward noun head-movement as opposed to remnant phrasal-movement. The evidence hinges on the relative scope among APs. I show that the symmetric approach, supported here, generates all and only attested word-order---scope pairings; while antisymmetry generates additional, unattested pairs. / Finally, I account for the asymmetric distribution of prenominal versus postnominal cel relative to the definite suffix. In previous literature, cel was equated with D0. Conversely, I claim that cel heads a modifier phrase, say celP. I show that prenominal celP has the same syntactic distribution and properties as demonstratives, including the ability to license a covert definite D0; while postnominal celP, like all postnominal modifiers, lacks this property. / This study provides a guide to the structure and movements in the Romanian DP, from its lower domain, the base position of N, up to the DP domain. Throughout, this work, I argue that several empirical generalizations on syntactic distribution are best accounted for by head-movement and the Head Movement Constraint. The evidence I produce comes from morpho-syntax (e.g. cliticization), semantics (e.g. scope interpretation) and plain linear word-order.

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Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1976. / Bibliography: leaves [372]-378. / Microfiche. / xiii, 378 leaves

Diss., Linköping : Linköpings universitet, 2007.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with the phenomenon of obligatory reflexivity in Chichewa, a language belonging to the Bantu family. Obligatory reflexivity occurs in constructions where a pronominal element – e.g. the reflexive marker (RFM) -dzi- in the verbal complex in Chichewa – is referentially dependent on some other expression in the sentence, its antecedent. Constructions of this type have not received systematic attention in the literature on Chichewa syntax, except in the works of Mchombo (1993, 2004, 2007). The first objective of the study is to fill this empirical gap by providing a detailed description of the different types of construction in which obligatory reflexivity is found in Chichewa. The second objective is to provide an analysis of the relevant facts within the broad framework of Minimalist Syntax (e.g. Chomsky 1995, 2000; Hornstein, Nunes & Grohmann 2005; Radford 2009). More specifically, the study seeks to determine whether the recent minimalist approach to the analysis of obligatory reflexive constructions put forward by Oosthuizen (2013), the so-called Nominal Shell Analysis (NSA), provides an adequate framework for analysing reflexive constructions in Chichewa. The analysis that is set out in this study focuses on three types of reflexive construction, namely verbal object reflexives, infinitival verbal reflexives, and infinitival nominal reflexives. It is argued that an analysis that incorporates the core hypotheses and devices of the NSA can provide a proper description and explanation of the facts of obligatory reflexivity as reflected in these three types of construction. In particular, it is claimed that such an analysis can account for the establishment of a coreferential relationship between the RFM -dzi- and an antecedent, without requiring any special devices or devices that are incompatible with the basic assumptions of the minimalist approach to linguistic inquiry. In brief, according to the analysis, the RFM -dzi- and its antecedent are initially merged into a light noun phrase, nP, with the RFM representing the functional n-head of this phrase. In this configuration, the coreferential relationship between the antecedent and -dzi- is established when the antecedent provides the RFM with φ-values (i.e. values for the grammatical features person, number and noun class). In the course of the discussion, several proposals are also put forward in connection with other, related aspects of Chichewa syntax, including the agreement relationship between the subject/object and their respective markers in the verbal complex. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie handel oor die verskynsel van verpligte refleksiwiteit in Chichewa, ’n lid van die Bantoe-taalfamilie. Verpligte refleksiwiteit kom voor in konstruksies waar ’n pronominale element – bv. die refleksiefmerker (RFM) -dzi- in die verbale kompleks in Chichewa – referensieel afhanklik is van ’n ander uitdrukking in die sin, die antesedent. Konstruksies van hierdie tipe het nog nie sistematies aandag gekry in die literatuur oor Chichewa sintaksis nie, behalwe in die werke van Mchombo (1993, 2004, 2007). Die eerste hoofoogmerk van die studie is om hierdie empiriese gaping te vul deur ’n gedetailleerde beskrywing te gee van die verskillende tipes konstruksie waarin verpligte refleksiwiteit in Chichewa aangetref word. Die tweede hoofoogmerk is om ’n analise te gee van die tersaaklike feite binne die breë raamwerk van Minimalistiese Sintaksis (bv. Chomsky 1995, 2000; Hornstein, Nunes & Grohmann 2005; Radford 2009). In meer spesifieke terme word daar nagegaan of die minimalistiese benadering tot die analise van verpligte refleksiwiteit wat onlangs voorgestel is deur Oosthuizen (2013), die sogenaamde Nominale Skulp-analise (NSA), ’n toereikende raamwerk bied vir die analise van refleksiefkonstruksies in Chichewa. Die analise wat uiteengesit word in hierdie studie fokus op drie tipes refleksiefkonstruksie, naamlik verbale objek-refleksiewe, infinitiewe verbale refleksiewe, en infinitiewe nominale refleksiewe. Daar word geargumenteer dat ’n analise wat gebruik maak van die kernhipoteses en meganismes van die NSA ’n behoorlike beskrywing en verklaring kan bied van die feite van verpligte refleksiwiteit soos dit voorkom in hierdie drie tipes konstruksie. In besonder kan so ’n analise ’n beskrywing en verklaring gee van die manier waarop ’n koreferensiële verhouding tussen die RFM -dzi- en ’n antesedent bewerkstellig word, sonder die nodigheid van spesiale nuwe meganismes of meganismes wat onversoenbaar is met die basiese aannames van die minimalistiese benadering tot taalondersoek. Die analise hou kortliks in dat die RFM -dzi- en sy antesedent aanvanklik saamgevoeg word in ’n ligte naamwoordfrase, nP, met die RFM wat optree as die funksionele n-hoof van hierdie frase. In dié konfigurasie word die koreferensiële verhouding tussen die antesedent en -dzi- bewerkstellig wanneer die antesedent die RFM van φ-waardes voorsien (d.i. waardes vir die grammatikale kenmerke persoon, getal en naamwoordklas). In die loop van die bespreking word daar ook verskeie voorstelle gemaak oor ander, verwante aspekte van Chichewa sintaksis, onder meer oor die kongruensie-verhouding tussen die subjek/objek en hulle onderskeie merkers in die verbale kompleks.

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This study deals with the description of Tagalog syntax using the techniques of transformational-generative grammar. Specifically, the formulations in this work follow, to a large extent, the statements of Chomsky in his "A Transformational Approach to Syntax." The primary aims of this work are to formulate the basic rules of Tagalog kernel sentences, and to show some of the most common transformations in the language. Further, this thesis seeks to establish a basis for a more detailed study of the transformational syntax of Tagalog, and expects to provide a point of departure for future contrastive analyses of Tagalog and other languages. The author believes that he has provided the teacher of Tagalog with basic material for the teaching of the fundamentals of Tagalog transformational- generative grammar, and the new learner with a ready manual for the easy grasp of the core of Tagalog structures. The analysis concerns the linguistic intuition of the author as a native speaker of Tagalog. The steps involved in the analysis are as follows: investigation of actual and possible sentences known and permitted by the intuition of the author, including a large written corpus; formulation of the rules of various kernel sentences, generation of grammatical strings with morphographemic realizations, accompanied by the necessary explanations including tree structures; collating the different kernel rules and forming the base rules of Tagalog kernel sentences; showing some of the most common transformations, with pertinent comments; and concluding with a summary of what was discovered in the investigation, along with recommendations for further study and investigation. The formulations show the rules for six types of sentences, namely, sentences of the construction verb phrase plus noun phrase; sentences of the copula types, which are adjective or adjectival phrase plus noun phrase, adverb or adverbial phrase plus noun phrase, noun phrase plus noun phrase, pronoun plus noun phrase, and prepositional phrase plus noun phrase. All the kernel sentence rules are brought together in the base rules of Tagalog kernel sentences. Ten kinds of transformations are shown: pronoun transformation — declarative and imperative-—, negative transformation, yes-no interrogative transformation, yes-no negative interrogative transformation, pronoun-negative-interrogative transformation, ay inversion transformation, manner adverbial transformation, indirect object transformation, -in- passive transformation, and: nominalization transformation. The investigation finds some deep regularities in the language; and it also finds some problems for further study and investigation. / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate

This thesis provides an analysis of wh-questions in Nêhiyawêwin (Plains Cree). The study is done within the Principles and Parameters framework (Chomsky 1981, 1986, 1995). I argue that Nêhiyawêwin wh-words like awfna 'who' are not generated in argument position and do not undergo A-bar movement to Spec CP (Chapter 3). Rather, they are licensed as the predicate of a nominal clause, and respect the same syntactic constraints as other nominal clauses: they are strictly predicatê-initial; obey a referentiality hierarchy; and display agreement for number, animacy and obviation (chapter 4). I analyze Nêhiyawêwin nominal clauses as IP with a null Infl head in which the predicate fronts to Spec CP. The clausê-initial position of the wh-word is thus part of a more general process of predicatefronting. The nominal clause analysis of wh-words accounts for the absence of wh-movement per se in the language, as well as for the absence of wh in situ. However, based on their interpretive properties, wh-questions must contain an operator-variable chain. I argue that the operator-variable relation arises when the subject of the nominal clause links to an A-position in a subordinate clause. This occurs in one of two ways: by means of the kâ-complementizer or the ê-complementizer (Chapter 5). If the subordinate clause has kâ-, the resulting structure is a relative clause which restricts the reference of the subject. This yields a cleft construction: Who is it[sub i] that Mary likes t[sub i] ? If the subordinate clause has ê-, the clauses are conjoined, and null-operator movement in the subordinate clause forces an anaphoric relation between the wh-word and the A-position in the ê- clause: Who is he[sub i] & OP[sub i] Mary likes him[sub i]. Having shown how Nêhiyawêwin wh-words are associated with an operator-variable chain, I then consider the consequences of the proposed analysis (Chapter 6). A defining property of wh-chains is their sensitivity to island effects. Consistent with this, there is an argument/adjunct asymmetry in Nêhiyawêwin, which in turn bears on the question of where overt arguments are positioned in a polysynthetic language. I argue that complement clauses are basê-generated in an A-position, unlike overt DPs which are in an A'-position (adjoined to IP). This explains why long-distance extraction is possible from complement clauses, while extraction from adjunct clauses is ungrammatical. Another property of wh-chains is their sensitivity to Weak Crossover (WCO). WCO effects are absent in Nêhiyawêwin wh-questions. I argue that WCO may be avoided because there is no movement of a truly quantificational operator in the sense of Lasnik and Stowell (1991), but rather movement of a null operator. I then propose a Weakest Crossover analysis for the absence of WCO, following Demirdache (1997). / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate