This work intends to analyze Nahuatl mathematical structures and a minimal relationship to text, speech and literal ideographic writing. In section I there will be a historical background of language concepts in compound nouns and verbs. In section II questions will be listed concerning multiplier junctures, and section III the methods that will be used to obtain data and create a list of literal roots and stems of ideographic-image compound elements. Section IV will list the ideographic categories of the roots and stems of compound words. Section V through XII is the body of this work, compound number structures, singular and dual compound expressions with compound word trees, translation applications and cross reference matching. Mathematical structures and graphic representations of compound words will include literal morphological glosses. Translation applications will show the results of the juncture root or stem method of analysis. Multiplier structure with plurals will be addressed.

<p> On average, students who are deaf do not develop English literacy skills as well as their hearing peers. The linguistic interdependence principle suggests that literacy in American Sign Language (ASL) may improve literacy in English for students who are deaf. However, the Deaf community in the United States has not widely adopted a written form of ASL. This research surveys individuals in the U.S. Deaf community to better understand the opinions surrounding literacy in ASL. </p><p> The survey was presented online, containing both ASL in embedded videos and written English. The survey asked for the participants' demographic information, language and educational background, opinions about reading and writing ASL, and opinions on specific writing systems. Sixty-two surveys were analyzed using Chi-square Goodness of Fit tests and Tests of Independence. </p><p> The results show that those who desire to read and write ASL are in the minority. The respondents were evenly divided among those who supported literacy in ASL, those who opposed it, and those who felt ambivalent about it. The factors that influenced their opinions were (1) the widespread use of a written form of ASL; (2) the value of literacy in ASL; (3) the style of a writing system; (4) writing with other Deaf individuals; (5) the face-to-face culture in the Deaf community; (6) video technology; and (7) the dominance of English. The respondents were highly educated, which may have influenced these results. Surveying a more representative population is necessary to better understand the opinions about literacy in ASL in the U.S. Deaf community.</p>

En el espanol, existe una distincion en la expresion de la temporalidad, el tiempo y el aspecto. Tal distincion suele ser una caracteristica muy dificil para su ensenanza, especialmente en estudiantes con ingles, donde no aparece esta distincion, como su lengua materna. Recientemente, la adquisicion de la temporalidad de lenguas extranjeras ha sido la base para muchas investigaciones linguisticas. Han surgido varias hipotesis pero la presente investigacion se basa en dos; la Hipotesis del Aspecto y la Hipotesis del Discurso. Compara los resultados de estudiantes de un ambiente academico con los de otro grupo que ha aprendido la lengua en un ambiente natural. Mas especificamente, se analizan los relatos de los estudiantes de espanol como segunda lengua solo en un ambiente academico y se compara con un grupo de estudiantes del mismo idioma con contacto con un ambiente natural en cuanto al desarrollo de la distincion aspectual en el pasado.

Linguistic knowledge implies the ability to identify and manipulate phonological segments of various sizes. Such "chunks" are often, although not always, demarcated by phonetic clues to phonological organization. The American Structuralists in the 1930's-1950's posited a demarcative phoneme called "juncture," which raised questions about the legitimacy of phonological analyses which rely on grammatical information about the language. Data from language games, diachronic resegmentation, and phonological reduction all show that a competent speaker can "chunk" phonological material in a variety of ways. The field linguist, the armchair analyst, and the ordinary listener are all playing the same segmentation game, listening for phonetic clues to linguistic structure.

This study examines irony predominantly as it appears in German spontaneous spoken discourse. The main data employed for the study are four conversational texts, each of which has a different irony content. In Chapter One I survey the literature on irony in the fields of rhetoric, literature, and literary criticism, as well as its treatment in linguistic frameworks (based on Austin 1962/1975, Searle 1969). I then compare the function and use of irony in German spontaneous conversation with counterparts in pre-composed conversation. In Chapter Three I discuss some uses of irony in non-Western cultures as contrasted with the functions of irony in modern German culture. Irony emerges as a mode of experience that is closely related to the culture of its inception. This aspect of irony is particularly evident in the difficulties encountered in the internal translation (paraphrase) of ironic discourse (pre-composed as well as spontaneous) or translation from one language or culture to another. In Chapter Four I examine difficulties in translation of instances of irony. Finally, in Chapter Five I distinguish irony from related tropes and concepts. Irony employs a feature of quality, which has usually been associated with opposition. I have expanded the concept of opposition and added the feature of multilayeredness as a necessary condition. Irony is seen here for the most part as an intended incongruence. A pair of readings co-exist, producing the incongruence. Both remain present in an interactive way. I conclude that irony, even though extensively studied and described, remains resistant to precise definition and demarcation. Irony is not only employed as a nonce phenomenon at the propositional level, it can also function as a pervasive feature of discourse, a lifetime, an era, or even of life itself.

El objetivo de esta investigacion es el estudio de las evidencias lexicas euskeras del castellano de la ciudad de Pamplona, ea vascuence Iruna o Irunea, Navarra/Nafarroa. Pamplona es una comunidad urbana en la zona de habla vasca de Espana. He centrado mi investiacion en la recopilacion del material teorico-linguistico, su estudio, y la clasificacion y el analisis de ciertas peculiaridades lexicas del castellano actual de Pamplona en relacioin con el vascuence. Se incluyen los antecedentes de la lengua vasca. Se presentan las teorias mas significativas de la influencia del vascuence en el castellano y se muestra la relacion de los vocablos de la familia linguistica vasca del Diccionario de la lengua espanola de la Real Academia Espnola en apoyo de la teoria de la influencia de la lengua vasca en el castellano. En este trabajo se describen las evidencias lexicas del euskera en el castellano mediante su realizacion oral por parte de un gnrpo de informantes hispanohablantes del nucleo urbano de Pamplona. Se ha presentado la lista de estas evidencias lexicas y la etimologia.

In this thesis I adopt the framework of Cognitive Grammar developed by Langacker (1987a and 1991a) in order to provide a unified account of a cluster of senses of certain force-dynamic motion verbs, namely the Korean verbs kkulta and tangkita 'pull' and milta 'push', and their corresponding English verbs pull and push. The different senses of each of these polysemous verbs are related to one another in terms of family resemblance relationships. These motion verbs, thus, are complex semantic categories, encompassing their distinguishable, yet related senses within the same lexical forms. Although the Korean verbs kkulta and tangkita are conceptually related to each other within the semantic field of force-dynamic motion, and are translated as 'to pull' in English, they have different conceptual imports with regard to distinct prototypical semantic structures. The semantic differences of the prototypical events kkulta-1 and tangkita-1 are described in terms of their cognitive-functional attributes. Kkulta-1 generally involves a heavy, slow, and labored motion of the large landmark over a long path through space and time. The trajector as well as the landmark moves along an extended path. By contrast, tangkita-1 generally associates with a light and sudden movement of a relatively small landmark along a short path. The trajector of this event does not have an extended path, and only the landmark movement is manipulated to move toward the source of force. The landmark is directed toward the trajector, and the trajector is, thus, conceived as the goal of the landmark's movement as well as the source of force. This event seems to require more manipulative control of the trajector over the landmark than the trajector of kkulta-1. The prototypical events kkulta-1, tangkita-1 and milta-1 motivate their respective semantic extensions in a coherent way. Their semantic extensions are established via the different, yet related conceptualizations of the cognitive-functional attributes of kkulta-1, tangkita-1 and milta-1. The multiple senses of these verbs and their semantic structures are not limited to a physical domain, but are also characterized relative to different abstract domains. They are described with reference to kkulta-1, tangkita-1, and milta-1, and are related to one another in terms of similarity. The English verbs pull and push contrast with their corresponding Korean verbs kkulta, tangkita, and milta in terms of formal and semantics aspects. Pull and push are conventionalized differently from kkulta, tangkita, and milta because of the speaker's different construals of semantic structures and concepts, different metonymy/metaphor, image schemas, and cognitive models associated with pull and push, different etymological information, and different psychological, cultural, social, and experiential factors.

This dissertation treats a problem presented by Korean syntax. The suffix $\{-i\},$ realized variously as -i, -hi, -li, -ki, may be used to express (among others) prototypical passives, middle voice, and causatives. I attempt to provide an answer to the question "How are these uses related?' The semantic/conceptual configuration of an event is projected as an asymmetrical relation between the sentence initial and sentence middle positions. Sentence initial position is assigned a special semantic property, which I call EMPOWEREDNESS. The requirements of EMPOWEREDNESS can be met by a less than optimal participant (i.e., creating a mismatch between the semantics of the position and its filler) as long as the I-suffix is present on the verb. The I-suffix reduces the EMPOWEREDNESS of the sentence-initial position. This reduction alters the relation between sentence initial position and the participant filler and may achieve either 'passive' or 'causative' effects. The so-called 'passive' emerges as a cluster of related constructions, which signify the reduced EMPOWEREDNESS of the sentence initial position. In 'causative' constructions, I-suffix projects decreased EMPOWEREDNESS to sentence initial position by removing some semantic portion from the sentence initial position, transferring it to the second position. Thus, the semantic character of the event--the role properties it projects upon the sentence initial participant--provides the matrix for the I-suffix. The effect of the I-suffix varies widely in different events, even while the suffix accomplishes a common function across all these environments.

The Tiriyo language has approximately 2,000 speakers (whose autodenomination is tareno [tare:nc], the term tiriyo or trio being of uncertain origin) who live in lowland South America, on both sides of the border between Brazil and Surinam. Like most other languages of the Cariban family, Tiriyo is chronically underdescribed. In the 117 years since Crevaux's first word list came out, very little has been written on the language: a few articles on specific points of phonology or grammar, two small tentative dictionaries, and two longer but incomplete sketches. This dissertation is intended as an effort to improve this situation by offering a more detailed description of the Tiriyo language based on extensive field work. It has a traditional format: after an introductory chapter on the Tiriyo people and previous research on the language, it begins with a description of the segmental and suprasegmental phonology, continuing on to the definition of word classes and the description of their morphology and arriving at the syntax, using what could be broadly defined as a functional-typological approach. A certain number of diachronic remarks and hypotheses are added when deemed appropriate; however, the synchronic descriptive goal is always the primary concern. After the basic description, a further chapter examines the lexicon, describing some formal regularities and also exploring its semantics via a closer look at some selected semantic fields. The appendices contain a collection of texts and a preliminary dictionary with grammatical information on every morpheme.

Wayana is a Cariban language spoken in northern Brazil, southern Surinam, and southern French Guyana by a total of around 900 speakers. The previous descriptive works on this language consist of a few vocabulary lists, a short grammar sketch, and a few articles on specific topics. This dissertation contributes to the documentation of the language by providing a more detailed description of most aspects of the Wayana grammar. The chapters range from a description of the language's phonological aspects to the morphology of the speech classes and the basic syntactic patterns. In addition, the appendixes include a collection of texts and a vocabulary list. Patterns discussed in this work include those of syllable reduction, in which words may undergo reduction of entire syllables; differences in the possessibility of nouns, which depend on semantic and cultural considerations; the complex system of spatial postpositions distinguishing features such as the position, path or goal of a trajector vis-a-vis its landmark; and a split ergative system in which no motivation for the split has yet been explained. The data used in this work were obtained through elicitation sessions and from recordings of spoken narratives.