Ce travail de recherche se veut une réflexion sur les risques terroristes majeurs du XXIe siècle. Parmi ces risques, le terrorisme nucléaire maritime occupe une place de choix. Traditionnellement, le droit international a essayé de régler le problème des détroits internationaux que leur configuration géographique peut transformer aisément en lieux extrêmement dangereux, propices à la réalisation de l'aléa terroriste. Les évolutions climatiques récentes du passage mythique du Nord Ouest ont constitué pour nous un exemple parfait des risques potentiels.Conscient du fait que le terrorisme, s'il peut être géré, ne sera jamais éradiqué, ce travail propose quelques pistes pour lutter contre cette manifestation idéologique. / This research is a reflection on the risks of major terrorist century. Among those risks, nuclear terrorism Maritime occupies a prominent place. Traditionally, international law has attempted to solve the problem of international straits as their geographical configuration can easily turn into very dangerous places, conducive to the realization of the random terrorist. Recent climatic trends of mythical Northwest Passage has provided us a perfect example of the potential risks. Aware that terrorism, if it can be managed, will never be eradicated, this paper proposes some ways to fight against this ideological manifestation.

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Saudi Arabia was the first Arab country to claim offshore jurisdiction and the first Middle Eastern state to define its offshore waters. This study examines the principal geographical factors which have resulted in the present Saudi maritime boundary. The semi-enclosed sea, islands, reefs, natural resources of the continental shelf, exclusive economic zone and coastline, can all be considered principal geographical factors that have influenced Saudi territorial waters policy. Islands, for example, play an effective role in increasing the area of Saudi internal waters, increasing the breadth of the territorial sea, straight baseline and the delimitation of maritime boundary in the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf with opposite and adjacent states. Natural resources demanded the swift implementation of unique agreements, used later as an example worldwide. The author has drawn the 1958 Saudi straight baseline and a theoretical straight baseline based on the 1982 Convention and states practice. The territorial sea which is drawn on this basis along the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf coasts, is affected by the presence of islands and reefs. The Saudi Exclusive Fishing Zone claimed by the 1974 decree gave the Kingdom the same right as the 1982 Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), but the Kingdom had to adapt the latter in order to gain more control over its resources and non-mineral activities. The importance of the 1949 Saudi decree can be found in the contribution made by Saudi Arabia to the development of the law of the sea, and to safeguarding the national hydrocarbon resources (natural gas and oil) on and below its seabed. Saudi Arabia engaged in several agreements, mainly in the Gulf, in order to define its boundary. This study has highlighted these agreements as a model which can be used in different parts of the world to solve similar disputes, and can be adopted as methods of maritime delimitation between opposite and adjacent states. The importance of the economic factor has been shown, along with security, as the main factor influencing the successful conclusion of such agreements, but where there is no such importance, the boundary may become less significant and by the absence of such motivation the boundary may not be defined. Saudi waters are a rich and highly important maritime area. This is based on the facts that Saudi Arabia has 30 per cent of the world seawater desalination plants; that the sea represents food, fuel and wealth to Saudi Arabia; and that the existence of huge deserts emphasises the importance of the sea.

Thesis (M.Law)--University of Oslo, 2000. / Title from PDF t.p. (NIAS LINC, viewed on Aug. 24, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis brings a focusing lens on one of history’s most intractable and protracted territorial disputes, that between the United Kingdom and Argentina over the non-self-governing territory known as the Falklands (Malvinas), an archipelago of 200 islands, some 480 miles north-east of Cape Horn, Argentina. For Argentina, the ‘Malvinas are a constantly bleeding wound, flesh torn from the body that is Argentina’. To the United Kingdom, the territory represents one of the last vestiges of its once vast empire, having held effective control of the territory since 1833, other than for a short period in 1982 following an Argentine use of military force. The facts, history, law, and politics of this dispute all act in concert to create a picture that is so highly nebulous that a clear view as to which State should hold territorial sovereignty has yet to emerge, with there being legitimately argued positions in favour of both disputing States. At the heart of this thesis is a critical analysis of the history, the legal arguments, and the methodologies of international lawyers in order to examine the effectiveness of international law as a dispute settlement mechanism. In doing so, this thesis ascertains whether international law has a role to play in resolving this most entrenched of international disputes. This re-evaluation of the value of international law, through a critical lens, argues that international law does have the potential to assist in the resolution of the dispute. However, this is only possible if political leaders are ready to grasp on to that opportunity, and to make use of diplomatic means of dispute settlement, at the critical moment when the dispute becomes ripe, at times of significant political change. It is in these moments that international law could prove to be the guiding hand that may assist with the normalisation of relations between Argentina and the UK.

This dissertation involves an analysis and discussion of the legal regime governing the exploitation of non-living marine resources within national jurisdiction in East Africa. This is in light of the relatively recent offshore oil and gas discoveries off the coasts of Mozambique and Tanzania which have resulted in offshore exploration activities along the Western Indian Ocean (including the Red Sea) in pursuit of these hydrocarbons. Before delving into legal analysis and discussion, the dissertation departs by providing background on the 1982 United Nations Law of the Sea Convention (LOSC)2 which is the international legal regime governing maritime spaces and the contributions made by, inter alia, East African coastal States to bring it about. From here, the dissertation ventures into an analysis and discussion of the legal zones claimed by East African coastal States within which exploitation activities may occur. This part of the discussion involves, among other things, an in depth analysis of the practices of East African coastal States as far as establishing maritime zones in terms of international law. The dissertation then proceeds to discuss which East African coastal States have delimited their maritime zones where they overlap with neighbouring States with adjacent and/or opposite coasts. The discussion highlights which States, in terms of international law, have clearly defined the ambit of their maritime jurisdiction by establishing a delimitation boundary where claims to maritime zones overlapped. This part of the dissertation also discusses which States have not delimited their overlapping maritime zones and the reasons for the lack of delimitation. Following this, the dissertation moves on to discuss the LOSC provisions applicable to exploiting non-living resources, and analyse whether the laws of East African coastal States that pertain to exploiting these resources adequately give effect to LOSC. Finally, in light of the above analysis and discussions, the dissertation moves on to establish if whether or not the legal infrastructure of East African coastal States is adequate for exploiting non-living resources within their national jurisdiction. Generally, the findings reflect favourably on the legal framework of East African coastal States. However, the pressing issue is the practices of some States in respect of claiming certain maritime zones and where necessary, not delimiting these zones. This results in uncertainty as to the maritime jurisdiction of a coastal State, especially with resources such as oil and gas which may straddle across boundaries. Moreover, it creates conflict and as such, threatens peace and security in the region as well as stunt economic and socio-economic development. As such, this dissertation, on the one hand, reflects the advancement of East African coastal States from contributing towards the adoption and coming into effect of LOSC, as well as giving effect to it domestically as far as exploiting non-living resources within national jurisdiction is concerned. On the other hand, it highlights the work that lays ahead for East African coastal States in order for them to fully enjoy their right.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Tōkyō Daigaku Daigakuin, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references. Includes bibliographical references and index.

The AIMS is Africa’s first comprehensive maritime strategy. Adopted in 2014, the AIMS proposes unique objectives to address the common maritime challenges faced by African States. One of these objectives is the establishment of the Combined Exclusive Maritime Zone of Africa (CEMZA). The AIMS states that CEMZA, “will grant Africa enormous crosscutting geostrategic, economic, and political, security and social benefits, as well as minimize the risks of all transnational threats including organized crime and terrorism in Africa”. This dissertation, consequently, aims to provide an overview of the impact which the successful establishment of the CEMZA would have on the African Maritime Domain (AMD) with a focus on sectors such as intra-African trade, vessel-source marine pollution, maritime security and fisheries. This study, furthermore, aims to determine the advantages of the CEMZA as well as the steps which would have to be taken to ensure the success of the CEMZA from a legal point of view. Established within this dissertation is the view that the CEMZA would have to be accompanied by various intermediate steps and would function as if the borders between African countries were deemed not to exist for administrative purposes. This would, however, not entail that African States sacrifice their sovereignty regarding resources within their jurisdiction by sharing it with all African States. The resources of each State, therefore, would remain its sovereign property, and the pooling of resources within the CEMZA would be absent. This dissertation concludes by stating that the CEMZA is feasible in the long term. Owing to the political and legal challenges, reinforced by a lack of capacity as well as human and fiscal resources, it is, however, not achievable in the short-to-medium term.