Question and answering sites are useful in sharing the knowledge by answering questions. It is a medium of sharing knowledge. Quora is the fastest emerging effective Q&A site, which is the best source of knowledge. Here you can ask a question, and get help in getting answers from people with firsthand experience, and blog about what you know. In this paper, we are investigating and identifying potential experts who are providing the best solutions to the questioner needs. We have considered several techniques in identifying user as an expert or non-expert. We have targeted the most followed topics in Quora and finally came up with five topics: Mathematics, Politics, Technology, Sports and Business. We then crawled the user profiles who are following these topics. Each topic dataset has many special features. Our research indicates that experts are quite different from normal users and tend to produce high quality answers to as many questions as possible to gain their reputation. After evaluation, we got a limited number of experts who have potential expertise in specific fields, achieving up to 97% accuracy and 0.987 AUC.

La situation sociolinguistique du Gabon est constituée des langues des Pygmées, des langues bantoues, du français et des langues des autres Étrangers. Le français, avec son statut de langue officielle, se décline en trois registres de langue : la variété acrolectale, la variété mésolectale et la variété basilectale. Dans un premier temps, les manifestations de norme endogène du français dans la presse écrite gabonaise du 1er août 2002 au 30 octobre 2002, résultent des phénomènes de l’urbanisation. Libreville, produit d’une disparité urbaine gabonaise, porte la dynamique factrice des processus sociohistoriques de l’implantation du français au Gabon. Ainsi, la capitale politique et administrative du Gabon, représente tantôt un facteur d’unification, de conflit et de coexistence linguistique ; tantôt Libreville porte le schéma de communication réunissant les émetteurs, les annonceurs, les producteurs des médias sous l’angle de la presse écrite plurielle ayant deux courants : la presse d’État et la presse d’opposition. Dans un deuxième temps, les particularités linguistiques du français de la presse écrite gabonaise sont traduites à travers un imaginaire linguistique. Ce dernier comporte trois types de normes : les Normes Systémiques, les Normes Statistiques et les Normes Subjectives. Les premières mettent en lumière le processus de formation des particularités linguistiques : l’influence des langues substrats, l’usage de tous les registres, le mélange code écrit/code oral. Les deuxièmes reflètent la hiérarchisation statistique des particularités linguistiques et les causalités liées à la dynamique de l’urbanisation des langues, aux causalités sociopolitiques, aux causalités logico discursives. Les dernières, les Normes Subjectives, retranscrivent les représentations linguistiques sur les écarts, suscitant ainsi le sentiment d’Insécurité Linguistique. Mais ce dernier est sous une double perspective : celle du co texte par la figure de Makaya et celle du contexte par le journaliste. Makaya, porteur de l’« incorrect » présente l’homme de la rue s’offusquant devant les travers de la société. Le journaliste est le porte-parole qui par son appartenance à un journal, participe à la construction de la norme endogène et à sa légitimité. / The sociolinguistic environment in Gabon comprises the languages of the Pigmies, the Bantou languages, French and the other languages spoken by foreigners. French, as the official language, has three speeh registers: the acrolectal, mesolectal and basilectal forms. At the start, the manifestations of the endogenous norm of French in the Gabonese written media are rooted in urbanisation. Libreville, as the concrete expression of Gabonese urban disparity, carries the dynamic at the heart of the socioliguistic process of French establishing itself in Gabon. Thus, the political and administrative capital of Gabon is either a factor of unification, conflict and linguistic coexistence; either Libreville gives the outline of communication involving the media broadcasters, advertisers and producers, as seen from the angles of two currents of a diverse press: the State and the opposition medias.Then, in a second stage, the linguistic characteristics of the French language are conveyed through a linguistic imaginative world. It includes three types of norms: systemic, statistical and subjective ones. The systemic norms throw light on the development of linguistic idiosyncratic forms, on the influence of substratum languages, on the use of all language registers and on the intermingling of written and oral codes. The statistical norms reflect the statistical hierarchy of linguistic features and causalities linked to the changes of the language in the process of urbanisation, to the sociopolitical context and to logical discursive causes. The last i.e. the subjective norms translate the differences in language representations generating a feeling of linguistic insecurity. This can be sensed under a double perspective, the one of the co-text as related to Makaya and the one of the context. Makaya, perceived as “improper”, presents the man/woman in the street taking offense at the failings of society. Journalists are spokepersons who through their working for a newspaper take part in the construction of the endogenous norm and its recognition.

Analyses of suicide notes have been conducted from varied perspectives in both linguistics and psychology. Not only have these studies added considerable value to the study of suicide, but they have also enriched the field of forensic linguistics. By analysing suicide notes, researchers are able to speculate about the state of mind of a suicidal individual from a psychological perspective, as well as gain insights into the characteristics of this genre from a linguistic perspective. Studies of suicide notes that are most relevant to forensic linguistics are those that compare authentic and fabricated suicide notes to determine whether these types of suicide notes may be distinguished from one another. Although the literature on suicide notes includes multiple studies that consider the differences between authentic and fabricated suicide notes, none seems to consider the fact that there might not be distinct differences between these types of suicide notes. Past studies also do not seem to consider that it might not be possible to determine whether a single suicide note is authentic or not. The present study fills this gap by considering authentic and fabricated suicide notes as indistinguishable texts. In this study, appraisal theory is used as the main theory of linguistic analysis to prove that authentic and fabricated suicide notes do not have distinct linguistic characteristics that can be used to differentiate them and that aiming to authenticate suicide notes might be a very risky and problematic undertaking. The results indicate that based on the theories and methods discussed in this thesis, it is not possible to successfully distinguish between authentic and fabricated suicide notes. It appears that, overall, the suicide notes included here would be more suited to analyses aimed at determining authorship identification or verification than analyses aimed at authenticating suicide notes. Accordingly, the study contributes not only to research concerned with the analysis of suicide notes but also to that concerned with forensic linguistics. Furthermore, the study includes analyses of South African suicide notes, and specifically Afrikaans suicide notes, which has not been attempted in previous research. / Tshekatsheko ya mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya e dirilwe go tswa mahlakoreng ao a fapanego ka go bobedi dithutapolelo le dithutamahlale tsa menagano. Dinyakisiso tse ga se tsa oketsa boleng bjo bogolo fela go dinyakisiso ka ga ditiragalo tsa go ipolaya, eupsa di humisitse gape lekala la dithutapolelo tsa mabapi le batho bao ba ipolailego. Ka go sekaseka mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya, banyakisisi gape ba kgona go akanya mabapi le seemo sa monagano sa motho yo a ipolailego ka lehlakoreng la tsa menagano, gammogo le go hwetsa tsebo mabapi le dipharologantshi tsa mohuta wo wa sengwalwa ka lehlakoreng la dithutapolelo. Dinyakisiso tsa mabapi le mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya tseo di nyalelanago kudu le dithutapolelo tsa mabapi le batho ba go ipolaya ke tseo di bapetsago mangwalo a go ipolaya a makgonthe le a bofora go tseba ge eba mehuta ye ya mangwalo a batho ba go ipolaya a ka faralogantshwa le a mangwe. Le ge e le gore dingwalwa tsa mabapi le mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya di akaretsa dinyakisiso tse ntsi tseo di hlokometsego go fapana magareng ga mangwalo a batho ba go ipolaya a makgonthe le a bofora, ga go seo se hlokometsego ntlha ya gore go ka no se be le diphapano magareng ga mehuta ye ya mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya. Dinyakisiso tse di dirilwego mo nakong ye e fetilego le tsona di bonala di sa hlokomele ntlha ya gore go ka no se kgonagale go tseba ge eba lengwalo le tee leo le ngwadilwego ke motho wa go ipolaya ke la makgonthe goba aowa. Dinyakisiso tse di tlatsa sekgoba se ka go bona mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya a makgonthe le a bofora bjalo ka dingwalwa tseo di ka farologanywago. Ka mo dinyakisisong tse, teori ya go utolla tshekatsheko ya maikutlo e a somiswa bjalo ka teori ye kgolo ya go sekaseka polelo ka nepo ya go laetsa gore mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya a makgonthe le a bofora ga a na le dipharologantshi tse di bonagalago tse di ka somiswago go a farologanya le gore go ikemisetsa go dira gore mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya ke a makgonthe go ka ba mosomo o kotsi kudu le wo o nago le mathata. Dipoelo di laetsa gore go ya ka diteori le mekgwa ye e ahlaahlwago ka mo thesesing ye, ga go kgonagale go farologanya ka katlego phapano magareng ga mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya a makgonthe le a bofora. Go bonala gore, ka kakaretso, mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya ao a akareditswego ka mo a tla lokela kudu go tshekatsheko ye e ikemiseditsego go tseba motho yo a ngwadilego lengwalo la go ipolaya goba tiisetso go feta tshekatsheko ye e ikemiseditsego go tiisetsa gore mangwalo ao a mabapi le go ipolaya a ngwadilwe ke bomang. Ka se, dinyakisiso ga di tsenye letsogo fela go dinyakisiso tsa mabapi le tshekatsheko ya mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya, eupsa gape mabapi le dithutapolelo tsa mabapi le batho bao ba ipolailego. Godimo ga fao, dinyakisiso di akaretsa tshekatsheko ya mangwalo ao a ngwadilwego ke batho ba go ipolaya ka mo Afrika Borwa, gomme kudukudu mangwalo a go ngwalwa ka Seafrikantshe a batho bao ba ipolailego, e lego seo se sego sa dirwa ka dinyakisisong tse di fetilego. / Ukuhlaziywa kwamanothi ezehlakalo zokuzikhunga/zokuzibulala kudala kwenziwa ngokwemiqondo eyehlukahlukene ngezindlela ezimbili ngokwelingwistiki nangokwengqondo. Izifundo zocwaningo azikhulisanga kuphela ukubaluleka kocwaningo olumayelana nokuzikhunga kuphela, kodwa ziphinde zanothisa umkhakha weforensiki yelingwistiki. Ngokuhlaziya amanothi amayelana nocwaningo, abacwaningi bayakwazi ukwenza umhlahlo ngesimo somqondo womuntu ozikhungayo ngokomqondo wezengqondo, kanye nangokuzuza ulwazi olumayelana nezimpawu zalo mkhakha ngokomqondo welingwistiki. Izimfundo ezimayelana namanothi ashiywa ngabantu abazibulalayo ahlobene kakhulu neforensiki yelingwistiki yilawo aqhathanisa amanothi okuzibulala oqobo nalawo angamanothimbumbulu, ukucacisa kahle ukuthi mhlawumbe lezi zinhlobo zamanothi angahlukaniswa kwamanye. Yize umbhalo wobuciko omayelana namanothi okuzibulala axuba izimfundo zocwaningo eziningi ezigxile kwimehluko ephakathi kwamanothi okuzibulala oqobo nalawo okuzakhela/ambumbulu, akhekho obheka udaba lokuthi kungahle kungabi khona umehluko ogqamile phakathi kwalezi zinhlobo zamanothi okuzibulala. Izimfundo zocwaningo zesikhathi esedlule nazo azilubheki udaba lokuthi angekhe kwenzeka ukuthi kutholakale ukuthi mhlawumbe inothi lokuzibulala ngabe elangempela noma yinothimbumbulu. Isifundo samanje sivala lesi sikhala ngokuthatha amanothi angempela namanothimbumbulu njengemibhalo engahlukaniseki. Kulesi sifundo socwaningo, ithiyori yokuhlola isetshenziswe njengethiyori eyinsika yokuhlaziya ilingwistiki ukukhombisa ukuthi amanothi okuzibulala angempela nalawo okuzakhela akanazo izimpawu ezibaphawulekayo ezingasetshenziswa ukuwehlukanisa kanti lokho kuqonde ukuqinisekisa ukuthi amanothi okuzibulala kungenzeka abe wumsebenzi onobungozi obukhulu kanye nenkinga enkulu. Imiphumela ikhombisa ukuthi ngokwamathiyori nangezindlela ezixoxwe kule thiyori, kunzima ukuphumelela uthole umehluko phakathi mwamanothi angempela nalawo ambumbulu. Ngaphezu kwalokho, kuyakhombisa ukuthi, amanothi okuzibulala aqukethwe lapha azohambisana kakhulu nolwazi oluhlaziyiwe oluqonde ukuthola umnini wenothi noma ukuqinisekisa kunolwazi oluhlaziyiwe oluhlose ukuqinisekisa umbhali wamanothi okuzibulala. Ngokosiko lwakhona, isifundo asifakanga kuphela igalelo kucwaningo kuphela ngokuhlaziya amanothi okuzibulala, kanti lokho futhi kumayelana neforensiki yelingwistiki. Ngaphezu kwalokho, ucwaningo luqukethe ulwazi oluhlaziyiwe lwamanothi okuzibulala eNingizimu Afrika, ikakhulu amanothi okuzibulala abhalwe ngesiBhunu, angakazwe alokothwe kucwaningo lwesikhathi esedlule. / Linguistics and Modern Languages / Ph. D. (Forensic Linguistics)