Les XIe et XIIe siècles correspondent à une période durant laquelle l'orthodoxie sunnite a construit ses bases tant intellectuelles qu'institutionnelles. A cette époque où le Califat est affaibli, les Turcs Seldjoukides, en combinant l'habileté au combat des tribus turques et la tradition étatique de l'Iran, ont construit un état fort et assumé le leadership dans l'institutionnalisation du sunnisme. De manière générale, l'un des éléments saillants permettant de déterminer cette période est le fait que l'orthodoxie sunnite, qui s'institutionnalise en s'opposant fondamentalement au mutazilisme et au chiisme ou plutôt à l'une des branches du chiisme, l'ismailisme, intègre en son sein le mouvement soufi (taṣawwuf). Les personnalités mises en avant comme représentantes de cette période sont sur le plan intellectuel Ğuwaynī et Ġazālī et sur le plan politique le grand vizir seldjoukide Niẓām al-Mulk. Les Madrasas Niẓāmiyyas qui constituent l'un des traits concrets de l'institutionnalisation de l'orthodoxie sunnite, sont pour la plupart des réalisations de Niẓām al-Mulk. Celui-ci a réussi à transmettre aux générations suivantes ses réflexions sur le gouvernement de l'état et son administration grâce à son œuvre intitulée Siyāsat-nāma. / The eleventh and twelfth centuries correspond to a period during which Sunni orthodoxy built its intellectual and institutional foundations. At this time when the Khalifa was weakened, the Seljuk Turks, combining the fighting skills of the Turkish tribes and the state tradition of Iran, built a strong state and assumed leadership in the institutionalization of Sunnism. In a general way, one of the salient elements for determining this period is the fact that Sunni orthodoxy, which is institutionalized by fundamentally opposing mutazilism and Shiism or rather one of the branches of Shiism, Ismailism, integrates within it the Sufi movement. The personalities put forward as representatives of this period are on the intellectual plane Ğuwaynī and Ġazālī and politically the Grand Vizier Seljuk Niẓām al-Mulk. The Niẓāmiyyas Madrasas, which constitute one of the concrete features of the institutionalization of Sunni orthodoxy, are for the most part achievements of Niẓām al-Mulk. He managed to pass on his reflections on the state government and its administration to the following generations through his work entitled Siyāsat-nāma. / XIe et XIIe siècles ler sunnite ortodoksinin hem düşünsel hem de kurumsal temelde kurulduğu bir dönemdir. Hilafetin zayıfladığı bu zaman diliminde Türkler Seldjoukides göçebe Türk boylarının savaş yeteneklerini İran devlet geleneğiyle birleştirerek güçlü bir devlet kurmuş ve sunnite ortodoksinin kurumlaşmasında siyasal öncülüğü üstlenmişlerdir. Genel olarak chiisme ama daha çok da chiismin bir kolu olan ismāʿīlisme ve mutazilisme karşıtlığı temelinde kendini kurumsallaştıran sunnite ortodoksinin, taṣawwuf hareketini kendi içine çekmesi bu sürecin karakterini belirleyen en önemli olaylardan birisidir. Düşünsel planda Ğuwaynī ve Ġazālī, politik planda da daha çok Seldjoukides lerin büyük veziri Niẓām al-Mulk dönemin simge isimleri olarak öne çıkmışlardır. Sunnite ortodoksinin kurumlaşmasının en somut göstergelerinden biri olan Madrasas Niẓāmiyyas lar büyük oranda Niẓām al-Mulk ün bir eseridir. Niẓām al-Mulk, yazdığı Siyāsat-nāma isimli kitapla devlet yönetimi hakkındaki düşüncelerini gelecek kuşaklara aktarmayı başarmıştır.

New Islamic charities and madrasas in Lucknow, India are promoting Islam as a means of development, through revival and reinterpretation of Islamic almsgiving (zakat) and ethical teachings on money and community. Since the partition of India in 1947, Muslims have struggled as a beleaguered minority, the largest in India's diverse democracy. The relative socioeconomic status of Muslims in India is in decline, nearly on par with dalits (historically oppressed castes). Critics claim that "Muslim backwardness" originates in outmoded commitments to madrasas and illiberal Islamic law (sharī’a). The public views Muslim underdevelopment with alarm, as holding India back from being a leader in the global economy. This dissertation examines the rise and transformation of zakat in contemporary India. As historical institutions of Muslim welfare and endowments (waqf) decline, a new zakat economy is supplanting them. Yet zakat is a distinctly different social form of welfare. The contemporary practice of zakat reveals contradictions that invite reconsideration of our ideas about philanthropy, civic engagement, and Islam. Voluntary donations of zakat are a ritual obligation for all Muslims, and people in Lucknow often speak of the spiritual merit that accrues to almsgivers. I explore the paradox of zakat as "obligated voluntarism" that is at once selfless and self-interested and analyze the cultural implications of such ethics. While the Qur'an encourages giving in modest secrecy, new forms of zakat are not secret but publicly institutionalized and visible. These shifts even alter the practice of piety by incorporating a more individually accountable, calculative dimension to Muslims' faith. Morality is often imagined to be at odds with capitalism and its focus on profit accumulation. The compatibility of capitalism and Islam, in particular, has been in question since Max Weber's famous inquiry into religions, economy, and ethics. Yet new Islamic charities re-orient Lucknow's Muslims towards perceived requirements of capitalist markets. This "ethical entrepreneurism" is rooted in Islamic rituals and morality rather than dispelling both in pursuit of modernity; zakat entrepreneurs promote development as simultaneously economic and moral. Through ethnography, surveys, and close readings of Islamic texts, this study makes key contributions to economic anthropology and study of ethics. / 2020-03-31T00:00:00Z

This qualitative study analytically compares State-madrasa and inter-madrasa relations in Hindu-majority West Bengal and Muslim-majority Bangladesh. It uses Migdal’s State-in-Society approach to explain the nature and bases of these interactions as expressed in three interrelated arenas: educational, organisational, and political. The central question addressed in the educational arena is why some madrasas (recognised madrasas) respond positively to State-initiated incentives for reform while others (unrecognised madrasas) reject the same. In resolving this puzzle, the study seeks also: 1) to classify madrasas in each setting according to their relative thresholds for engagement with the State; and, 2) to identify how, and to what extent, the State can extend the appeal of its reform scheme to unrecognised madrasas. In the organisational arena, the study focuses exclusively on those madrasas that reject State-initiated reform, asking how they organise independently of the State. A key objective here is to determine how inter-madrasa relations vary between Muslim-minority and –majority contexts, and which specific aspects of the State’s policies most encourage such variation. The study’s third empirical section examines State-madrasa relations as expressed through two phenomena in the political arena. The first phenomenon involves the politicisation of recognised madrasas by the State (represented by political parties and their student wings). The study explicates the mechanisms through which this politicisation occurs, identifies the factors facilitating/impeding such politicisation, and assesses the impact of this politicisation on the political allegiances of individual students. The second phenomenon sees representatives of unrecognised madrasas (attempting to) reach into the State complex by launching madrasa-based political parties. The study focuses on this phenomenon to gauge the relationship between a madrasa man’s careers in the educational, organisational, and political arenas: To what extent can madrasa-based political entrepreneurs leverage influence wielded in the educational and organisational arenas towards success in the political arena? And do those who succeed in entering the State complex use this opportunity to promote the societal interests they represent in the educational arena, or in pursuit of increased authority in the organisational realm?