This research tests the public health model of reporting to discover if changing the way newspaper stories frame the top two health concerns in the United States cancer and obesity affects readers view of the problem. Using an experimental design, this study manipulated the context of newspaper stories about cancer and obesity. Applying thematic (broader context) and episodic (individual or event) framing concepts and gains (emphasizes benefits e.g. lives saved) and losses (emphasizes costs lives lost), this research revealed how the differences in framing affect public opinion about cancer and obesity. This research expands framing theory by showing that the effects of thematic/episodic framing are intensified when combined with gain/loss framing concepts from prospect theory. Overall, this study advances understanding of how framing affects attribution of responsibility and informs the comprehension of the effectiveness of health news and communication messages. Two-hundred-and twenty-nine adults from the South, West, and Southwest were recruited to participate in this study. The findings of this study provide support for the public health model of report and strongly indicate combined news frames influence framing effects. In this study, the combination of the thematic loss frames and episodic gain frames led to significant findings. These results clearly support the theoretical argument that intersecting frames generate more detailed information processing among audiences and intensify media effects. The findings have implications for future research on the use of news frames to discuss health and other policy issues.

This study became to first to scientifically explore the relationship between city typology and the use of advertising message strategy and interactivity within municipal web sites. The study used Taylors six-segment strategy wheel to analyze message strategies and previous scales of interactivity to analyze structural interactivity. Medium-size cities and cities within the South and West geographic regions more likely used sensory strategies within their web sites. Cities with racially diverse populations more likely used sensory strategies within their web sites as well. Large cities and central cities, both with large populations, used the most interactive strategies within their sites compared to their respective classifications. Cities within the mountain geographic division used the most interactive features among geographic locations and more racially diverse cities used more interactive features than predominantly Caucasian or minority populations. Thus, both message strategy and interactivity proved to share relationships with city typology.

This study sought to fill in a gap in civic journalism research by considering its implications for community newspapers, those small, locally oriented publications that serve rural and suburban communities throughout the country. In particular, this study posed the argument that such newspapers may have advantages in pursuing civic journalism, and that these approaches may especially benefit newspapers in high-growth communities. This study relied heavily on the language of theorists who describe journalism as a public conversation, the quality of which - its usefulness for readers as citizens and members of a community - the press can either help or hinder. This study also relied on the assumption that civic journalism suggests a social imperative as well as a civic one: How well newspapers help readers, particularly newcomers, integrate into the community socially may affect how well these residents become invested, participatory citizens. Accordingly, this study sought to test whether new and long-time readers seek different kinds of information from the newspaper and whether a leaning toward civic or social interests corresponds to length of residence. A telephone survey of subscribers of The Williamson County Sun, a semi-weekly newspaper in Georgetown, Texas, was undertaken to evaluate readers' use and perceptions of the paper as a vehicle for familiarizing newcomers with the community, facilitating community involvement and helping residents navigate changes related to growth. Results did not demonstrate a relationship between length of residence and interest in social-oriented news, although a potential relationship was suggested between interest in certain types of news and reasons for moving to Williamson County. The strongest findings of the study related to readers' perceptions of their relationship with the community newspaper compared to the nearby metro daily, and their evaluations of the newspaper's usefulness in facilitating a public conversation through strong local news coverage.

This study examined corporate public affairs and brand awareness advertising under the third-person effect. Third-person effect studies examine the interaction between the media and its effect on public opinion. Past research in third-person effect indicates that individuals perceive that the media is more influential on others than oneself. However, recent studies find a reverse effect, where individuals perceive a greater effect on oneself when compared to others when media messages are positive and desirable to be influenced by. Findings from this study indicate that ExxonMobil public affairs advertisements are found to be socially desirable to be influenced by and that individuals attribute a greater effect to themselves from such ads when compared to others. Further, they are likely to act on that perception in the form of purchasing ExxonMobil fuel and voting for legislation supporting the cause promoted by the corporation. These unique findings suggest that message influence is derived in part from social acceptance in general rather than one's individual assessments of media messages. As such, corporate use of tools such as issue ads, cause related marketing and advocacy advertising are valuable when those messages are deemed socially acceptable, as they lay a foundation of support for corporate operations. Pro-social messages help build the image of a corporation as socially responsible. And the bottom line for such a reputation for corporations is the importance it has securing future sales both directly and indirectly. In other words, public affairs messages can help a company's bottom line indirectly by managing the corporation's image to ensure favorable policies toward the corporation. As well, socially responsible corporations are looked favorably upon by individuals and this perception can realize a direct increase in sales. The implications of such findings rest in the commercial speech debate of corporations who comment on public issues and under the larger umbrella of media effects. We realize that media effects do not occur in a vacuum. They occur in social contexts. As such, as undue influence is of great concern to the debate of public salient issues, the need for responsible corporate citizens who comment in the market place of ideas is paramount.

This dissertation examines the public opinion-public policy nexus with regard to the making of U.S.-China policy during the Clinton administration (1992-2000). The researcher investigates how the mass media discourse on U.S.-China relations relates to the policy tradeoff between economic interdependence and confrontation on human rights. Particularly, the quantitative study of the media discourse is placed within a Communitarian perspective to determine: (1) whether the policy tradeoff can claim to have the support of public opinion; (2) whether the media discourse originated from the active civic participation; and (3) how the policy tradeoff broke its promise. As a result, the researcher concludes that the eclipse of co-operative inquiry of the U.S. public, the ascendancy of issue management of special stakeholders, and the entanglement between newsmaking and policy-making may have jeopardized the republican virtue of U.S. diplomacy. First, the researcher contextualizes U.S.-China relations and relates it to the dynamics of U.S. foreign policy choices among four national interests: power, prosperity, principle, and peace. Then, the researcher sets the Communitarian theory of the press as a normative theory of media democracy and incorporates other positive theories of political communication to make sense of the dilemma of the current media democracy. Following that, a content analysis of the New York Times and Cable News Network examined: (1) who said what; (2) which perspective prevails; (3) the correlation between newsmaking and policy-making; and (4) the congruence/dissension between policy beltway and other social groups. The finding suggests a significant correlation between/among the policy proposal, the author of that proposal, and the issue/frame espoused; on the other hand, the conspicuous differences among policy-makers, ordinary citizens (issue public), and professional communicators in regard to the policy trade-off indicates a low public accountability of the policy tradeoff. To explain the discrepancy, the investigator examined corporate America's issue management of U.S.-China trade and put the policy tradeoff into the perspective of capitalistic globalization theory. Finally, the lack of republican virtue is explained as a result of corporate-driven diplomacy and the media discourse short of civic participation. Henceforward, a Communitarian press becomes recommendable for the rejuvenation of media democracy.

A study of 10 states that have statewide public affairs television networks finds that these systems have become an integral part of the state governmental process in the same way that C-SPAN has become an institution in Washington, D.C. That is, lawmakers, legislative staff members, lobbyists, and statehouse reporters ignore it at their peril. At the same time, the content produced by these state versions of C-SPAN has altered the way in which the members of these groups do their jobs by providing a monitoring capacity that makes it easier for them to be more productive. This study uses a combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies to examine data gathered through in-depth interviews with network managers and employees, legislative staff members, lobbyists, and statehouse reporters and through a national telephone survey that sought to determine if there was an audience for statewide public affairs television. The study seeks to expand the applicability of institutionalism theory by using it as the framework to examine statewide public affairs television through the lenses of civic engagement, policy-making, norms and routines, social network analysis, and diffusion of innovation.

This study examined the content in coverage of the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina by local, regional, and national newspapers. Specifically, six newspapers were examined for a variety of items, including topics covered, frame, types of sources cited, types of authorities quoted, geographic focus, and assignment of blame for the devastation and evacuee distress that followed this historic storm. The analysis covered a two-week period, from August 29, 2005, the day Hurricane Katrina hit the Gulf Coast, to September 11, 2005. The research methods included a content analysis of the 263 articles that appeared on Page 1 of The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Advocate in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, The Clarion-Ledger in Jackson, Mississippi, The Sun Herald in Biloxi, Mississippi, and The Times-Picayune in New Orleans, Louisiana. In addition, interviews were conducted with management and staff of the newspapers to determine management style, reader focus, and unique circumstances reporters on the field and editors at home encountered in providing coverage of this historic storm. Topic and frame selection were similar at the local and regional levels, which focused on life, limb, and property issues, need for information, and distress of those affected by the storm. National newspapers focused most often on evacuee distress, but were more likely than local and regional newspapers to address criminal activity, government failure, and broader reaching economic considerations. The results of this study offer challenges to the typical daily news cycle. Ordinarily, journalists most often look to official government sources, even when many citizens are available. After Katrina, citizens such as relief workers, medical personnel, and evacuees, became significant sources of information. Most importantly, intermedia agenda setting-the tendency of journalists to look to the elite media to set the news agenda-seemed to be suspended during the two weeks following Katrina. It appears that in times of widespread disaster, newspapers attend most closely to the anticipated needs and demands of their readers.

While considerable research had been devoted to the study of social capital, limited information is available assessing the connection between linguistic preference and social capital among ethnic groups. Research indicated the American Latino community exhibits levels of social capital similar to the greater United States populous. Latinos who preferred English-language media, however, exhibited higher levels of social capital than those who used Spanish-language media. Finally, Latinos who held a linguistic preference for English held higher levels of social capital than individuals who preferred Spanish.

The purpose of this study was to explore through sourcing and framing the changes Gulf Coast journalists made in their news reporting as a result of directly experiencing Hurricane Katrina. Data for this study was obtained through the archives of The New Orleans Times-Picayune and through the Nexis/Lexis database. Many Gulf-Coast journalists lost their homes and were affected by the storm in various degrees with one case of a reported suicide attempt. The daily newspapers of the cities of New Orleans, La. and Biloxi, Miss., received Pulitzer Prizes for Public Service for ceaseless and tireless reporting of the disaster. This study attempted to measure any changes in media norms and routines observed through source-types and framing techniques by comparing one year before the storm with one year after the storm for both The Times-Picayune and The Biloxi Sun-Herald. This study found that Gulf Coast journalists increasingly framed the news after Hurricane Katrina using a human interest approach, with longer complex thematic stories. These journalists increasingly used ordinary people who were unaffiliated to organizations as sources a year after the storm. Interviews with these journalists revealed that these findings were consistent with a new found connection and identification with the public because of the common suffering these journalists experienced along with the readers as a result of the storm.

An experiment with 100 participants aged 18-24 was conducted to measure the effects of advertising in an online role-playing computer game on perceived interactivity and other aspects of gameplay experience. Results from a post-test questionnaire revealed insight into players' attitudes toward advertising in video game environments, and reflected varying levels of advertising awareness and recall, message recognition, and factors in purchasing habits. Results suggested that while advertising in online games can sometimes trigger high advertising awareness rates, it can also reduce a game's perceived sense of realism and genuinely annoy players if not appropriately coordinated with the game environment. Whereas previous research has suggested that players usually accept in-game advertising when placed relevantly, this study shows the opposite can occur when advertisers make little or no effort to contextualize their ads within the game world. Results revealed negative attitudes toward in-game advertising from participants who played a version of the game featuring ads, yet females and non-gamers were more accepting of in-game advertising and more often perceived it as "interactive" than did males and avid gamers. Practical implications and suggestions for further research are discussed.