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The Rumi cultural events centre - design for Winnipeg's second generation MuslimsAbdullaev, Umidjon 15 April 2016 (has links)
The Rumi Cultural Events Centre explores how the built environment can reflect a cultural phenomenon such as the evolution of Muslim communities in Western secular society of Canada. The centre has been designed for second generation Muslims, whose simultaneous exposure to religious and secular values change their outlook on
religion and culture (Greif, 2007; Amor, 2006, Hadjiyanni, 2007; Kohut, Allan & Wike, 2006; Akyol, 2011; Mandaville, 2001; Distin, 2001). They reinvent the notion of Islam in a secular context, and create a synthesis that embodies religiosity, culture and secularism. The Rumi Centre is a new typology of space that emerges from a need to
synthesize the new Muslim identity and values in order to create a non-traditional cultural environment.
The Rumi Centre is not a religious institution. It is a culturally appropriate and contemporary events venue where forward looking and traditional Muslims come together with the local community. The centre’s design language reflects the attitude of Muslims who embrace modernity and secular lifestyle but remain true to their culture. / May 2016
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Children's perception and understanding of ambiguous figuresWimmer, Marina Christine January 2007 (has links)
Background Research has shown that people need to be pre-informed about the ambiguity in order to perceive both interpretations (reverse) of an ambiguous figure. Children younger than 4 years mostly do not experience reversal even when informed. This suggests that the processes involved in reversal develop at this age. Aim The aim of the studies reported here was to disentangle the cognitive processes (metarepresentation, executive function, mental imagery) and the role of eye-movements involved in reversal. Method Four studies (7 experiments), each involving around sixty 3-, 4- and 5-year-old children, using multiple tasks, were conducted. The primary tasks used were the Ambiguous Figures Production and Reversal tasks. The secondary tasks used were metacognitive, executive function and mental imagery tasks. New tasks were also implemented in order to assess reversal abilities. Results Between the ages of 3 and 4 children develop the basic conceptual understanding for reversal (Study 1), that an ambiguous figure can have two interpretations. This is associated with the understanding of false belief, synonymy and homonymy. Between the ages of 4 and 5 children develop inhibitory (Study 3) and image generation abilities (Study 4). These are key cognitive processes necessary for reversal. Contrary to previous research, when task demands were changed (Reversal Task Revised) children’s reversal is at ceiling by the age of 5 (Studies 3 and 4). Eye-tracking data suggests that appropriate eye-movements, focusing on particular parts of the ambiguous figure, are not a primary causal factor in the development of reversal abilities (Study 4). Conclusion The ability to reverse develops in two stages. During stage 1 (between 3 and 4 years) children develop the necessary conceptual understanding that an ambiguous figure can have two interpretations (top-down knowledge). During stage 2 (between 4 and 5 years) children develop the necessary cognitive processes for reversal to occur (inhibition and image generation).
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Mindreading, Language and SimulationDeChant, Ryan C 01 August 2010 (has links)
Mindreading is the capacity to attribute psychological states to others and to use those attributions to explain, predict, and understand others’ behaviors. In the past thirty years, mindreading has become the topic of substantial interdisciplinary research and theorizing, with philosophers, psychologists and, more recently, neuroscientists, all contributing to the debate about the nature of the neuropsychological mechanisms that constitute the capacity for mindreading. In this thesis I push this debate forward by using recent results from developmental psychology as the basis for critiques of two prominent views of mindreading. First, I argue that the developmental studies provide evidence of infant mindreading and therefore expose a flaw in José Bermúdez’s view that certain forms of mindreading require language possession. Second, I argue that the evidence of infant mindreading can also be used to undermine Alvin Goldman’s version of Simulation Theory.
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