After witnessing the success of Canadian strategies to attract U.S. film production in the 1990s, states and localities began offering financial incentives in an effort to lure film and video production away from their traditional hubs in California and New York (Christopherson & Rightor, 2010). This effort increased dramatically in the 2000s, both in scope and in scale. Production activity can now locate in states offering rebates of up to 40 percent of costs, even if this exceeds their actual tax bills, and all but a handful of states offer some form of tax incentives (Christopherson & Rightor, 2010; Katz & Rosenthal, 2006; National Conference of State Legislatures, 2011; Vock, 2008). While some states may be reducing incentive packages in the current climate of fiscal austerity, others are doubling down on that strategy as an effort to stimulate job growth and increased economic activity. And while most states tout many successes from these programs in both metrics, the question of whether such policies promote long-term sustainable economic development has not been fully answered. First I use theoretical literature to construct a model of sustainable industrial development. I will then test this model using a variety of methods and data sets at the national, and state and county levels. In the following two analytical chapters, I will evaluate the impacts of incentives on state-level employment and firm growth, followed by an assessment of the economic effects of incentives in one such state: Georgia. By using this variety of approaches and units of analysis, I hope to shed light on both the macro- and micro-level impacts such incentives have on the industrial economic development of states. In the first study, I use data from the County Business Patterns (CBP) over the years 2002-2013 to view changes in economic activity by state by the level of incentives offered. Using panel data for industry employment, establishment and occupational employment, I use a fixed and random effects regression models to view the relationship between the presence of incentives and the levels of employment and firms in the film industry of each state. Next, I use Georgia as a case study with which to evaluate the degree to which financial incentives for the motion picture industry can create a sustainable network of local firms and workers. I test these theories by using confidential QCEW data to analyze establishment-level activity and relative locations. The results neither completely confirm nor disprove the hypothesis that attracting mobile productions with state tax incentives can establish a nascent industry and generate long-term employment in a region. However, there is some evidence that the number of years the MPIs are in effect does have a positive impact, especially on establishments and occupations. Additionally, the states’ climate and transportation access relative to Los Angeles and other locations are important factors in building a local industry.

This study focuses on the evolution of the movie industries in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China in the late 1980s and early 1990s, with an emphasis on the interaction and cooperation in movie production among these three areas. The study consists of three sections: a general description of the development of Chinese cinema before 1949; an overview of the movie industries in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China after the civil war; and an intensive study of the recent changes, interactions, and connections among these industries. In the third section, three models are proposed to explain the changing practices in movie production in these three areas. Obstacles preventing further cooperation and the significance of the reconstruction and integration of Chinese cinema are discussed.

The work is focused on the influence of movie and video production in connection with the new media. It is focused to map how the new media influenced the distribution of movie and video production, depending on their use on the market. The work defines the basic concepts and direction of new media. Characterizes the divergence of terms like old and new media, what are their differences, specifics and how they change film and video distribution channels. It creates complete list and comparison of existing providers of video on demand services. It brings up specified criteria and on base of them compares the most popular video hosting sites. The work includes and specify other channels, which facilitate the spread of film or video and was build up by Web 2.0. Because of the frequent encounters of the Copyright Act in connection with the illegal distribution, especially in the film, this theme is also included in the content.

Comment considérer le cinéma italien des vingt dernières années ? Si en France il est associé à quelques réalisateurs qui luttent contre Berlusconi et contre un système politique et économique corrompu, tels que Roberto Benigni, Nanni Moretti, Sabina Guzzanti, et plus récemment Paolo Sorrentino ou Matteo Garrone, il ne trouve pas la même estime chez ses compatriotes qui, comme en témoignent les résultats du box-office, le considèrent tout au plus comme un moyen de divertissement. La critique des deux pays s’accorde cependant pour dire que l’on assiste depuis une dizaine d’années à un retour du cinema d’impegno (cinéma d’engagement) cher aux réalisateurs des années 1960-1970. Sorrentino et Garrone auraient repris respectivement les flambeaux de Elio Petri et de Francesco Rosi… Peut-on parler d’une nouvelle vague de cinéastes engagés et d’un nouveau cinéma politique italien ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous nous sommes penchés sur quatre films en particulier qui traitent de thèmes explicitement politiques et proposent une représentation de l’homme de Pouvoir différente de celle officielle : Il portaborse de Daniele Luchetti, Il Caimano de Nanni Moretti, Il Divo de Paolo Sorrentino et Qualunquemente de Giulio Manfredonia. Après avoir analysé la façon dont l’homme de Pouvoir est dépeint par ces cinéastes, nous avons essayé de comprendre si ces films sont l’expression d’un engagement réel et d’une volonté de dénonciation ou s’ils répondent à la demande d’une économie de marché et au besoin d’entendre un discours rassurant de la part du public. Dans une société où dire du mal de Berlusconi a permis à certains de s’enrichir et de se faire connaître, et où les systèmes de production et de distribution cinématographiques semblent verrouillés, l’existence d’un véritable cinéma politique est problématique. Il semble en effet difficile d’envisager qu’une œuvre exprime une opposition si elle est acceptée et financée par les entreprises de l’homme qu’elle critique. Face à ce contexte et aux témoignages de nombreuses personnalités du cinéma, nous avons cherché à comprendre si le sens et les critères sur lesquels repose la notion de cinéma politique sont à redéfinir. / How can we consider the Italian cinema of these past twenty years? In France it is associated with a few movie directors such as Roberto Begnini, Nanni Moretti, Sabina Guzzanti and more recently Paolo Sorrentino or Matteo Garrone, who fight against Berlusconi and a corrupt political and economic system, but it isn't received with such esteem in Italy where it is considered at the most as a means of entertainment, as indicated by box-office results.In both countries, reviewers however agree to say that for about ten years we have been witnessing a return to a « cinema d'impegno » (politically-motivated films), a form of cinema which is dear to the directors of the 60´s and 70's. Sorrentino and Garrone would have respectively taken over from Elio Petri and Francesco Rosi... Can we talk about a new wave of politically and socially-aware movie directors and about a new political Italian cinema? To answer this question, we have been studying four films in particular, which deal with themes that are explicitly political and which offer a different representation of the man of Power from the official one.: Il portaborse by Daniele Luchetti, Il Caimano by Nanni Moretti, Il Divo by Paolo Sorrentino and Qualunquemente by Giulio Manfredonia. After analysing the way the man of Power is depicted by these movie directors, we have tried to understand if these films are the expression of a real political commitment and of a will to denounce or if they only meet the demand of a market economy and the need for people to hear a reassuring speech. In a society where speaking badly of Berlusconi has allowed some to grow richer and make themselves known, and where movie production and distribution systems seem closed, the very existence of a political cinema appears problematic. Indeed, it seems difficult to consider that a cinematographic work can express some opposition if this work is accepted and financed by the undertakings of the man it criticizes. Faced with this context and with the testimonies of numerous leading figures of Italian cinema, we have been trying to understand if the meaning and the criteria on which the notion of political cinema is based have to be redefined.

Definované markery tvoří základ určování polohy kamery pro velké množství aplikací s rozšířenou realitou, v případě že jsou přísné požadavky na rychlost a robustnost. Tato práce popisuje účinnou metodu pro určení pózy kamery pomocí Uniformního pole markerů a několik realistických aplikací na bázi popsané metody. Metoda je velice výpočetně levná a poskytuje spolehlivou detekci pro několik výpočetních platforem, včetně běžných chytrých telefonů. Markery jako část zobrazené informace na monitorech jsou použité v této práci pro určení relativní orientaci mezi poskytovatelem obsahu a užívatelským zařízením, sloužícím pro výběr prvků užívatelského rozhraní při  interakci a migraci úkolů. Ve filmařském průmyslu poskytuje popsaná metoda pro zjištění polohy kamery jako součást klíčovaní pozadí filmářům živý náhled virtuální scény. Výsledky ukazují, že popsaná metoda pro detekci pole markerů má srovnatelnou úspěšnost a přesnost v porovnání s ostatními metodami na bázi markerů a je několikrát rýchlejší. Aplikace zahrnuté v této práci podle výsledků testů jsou životaschopné - rychlejší a levnější - alternativy k existujícím řešením.