Arthritis is a growing aging and public health concern in Canada and elsewhere. As with many other chronic health conditions, arthritis occurs more often and has a higher impact on functioning for people who have lower incomes or live in an impoverished environment. There is a large body of research that supports a gradient between socioeconomic status and health and between area level poverty and decreased quality of life. Although this relationship is widely acknowledged, less is known about the influence of broader social conditions at the neighbourhood level on health outcomes. By examining quality of life from the theoretical framework of poverty as a fundamental cause of differences in health (Link & Phelan, 1995) and Bourdieu’s (1984) theory of habitus, I provide an analysis of the direct impact of material and social deprivation on health related quality of life (HRQoL), as well as the impact considering the influence of age, body weight, physical functioning, gender, and coexisting health conditions. I also examine interaction effects between neighbourhood deprivation and individual characteristics. An explanatory three-level multilevel model supported a relationship between individual factors as well as deprivation at the neighbourhood level on quality of life. The impact of neighbourhood deprivation was more pronounced for mental health related life quality, with a history of another health condition making the largest contribution to the model. Physical HRQoL was impacted by gender in interaction with material deprivation and body mass index in interaction with social deprivation. I discuss implications for practice, service delivery, and policy and make suggestions for further research. / May 2016

Most studies of 'cohesion' between urban residents focus separately on either social network structure or ideations with very little attention given to the intersection between spatial, structural and ideational dimensions of networks. This is problematic on two levels: firstly because attitudes and practices are formed in the context of personal social networks; and secondly because social interactions between residents are physically embodied and therefore spatially constrained. This thesis explores empirically the relationship between spatial cohesion (the extent to which a network is geographically localised or dispersed), structural cohesion (the extent to which a network is tight-knit or fragmented) and ideational cohesion (the extent to which residents have similar attitudes and practices). The social networks, attitudes and practices of white-British residents living in deprived urban localities of North Manchester are studied (survey, n=409; interview, n=53). Variances in forms of cohesion were found to have consequences for residents and localities. At the individual level, the spatial and structural shape of a resident's network was linked to their attitudes and behaviours. Attitudes and practices were 'framed' in the context of personal network structure exhibited through a set of resident 'roles'. This matters for urban cohesion because a person's social network structure influenced whether they liked their neighbourhood, trusted other residents, felt a sense of community or had found jobs through contacts. Previous studies have argued that contemporary urban networks have become fluid, dynamic and spatially dispersed. Yet this research found that although some people had networks that were geographically spread, most resident networks were made of localised, tight-knit, stable, long-term relations. Moreover, people with these cohesive, localised networks framed their experiences of urban cohesion differently to those with geographically spread and/or disconnected social networks. Particularly because the attitudes and practices of residents with localised, cohesive networks were very often habitual and socially reproduced. Social networks focus people's activities in such a way that not only constrains or enables current attitudes and practices but can also affect an individual's ability to change their future behaviour. At the locality level, the type of 'deprived' locality seemed to influence network structure. The structural, spatial and ideational distribution of cohesion at locality level provided neighbourhoods with different portfolios of social capital. Qualitative differences were observed between homogeneous-deprived (very low income, white areas) and socially mixed-deprived (white deprived areas with some class/ethnic mix) localities. People living in deprived-homogenous localities concentrated their networks within the local area and had few ties to residents of bordering areas, a sign of social distance. Conversely, residents of socially mixed-deprived localities had more potential to bridge ties to other neighbourhoods because their networks were not overly focused within the local area. Given that attitudes and practices are framed in the context of social network structure, it was argued that residents of deprived-homogeneous and socially mixed-deprived areas may experience and interpret urban cohesion differently and this has implications for universal policies of cohesion in deprived neighbourhoods. The thesis illustrates the interplay between spatial, structural and ideational forms of cohesion and highlights consequences for individual action and the generation of neighbourhood social capital. The originality of analysis and data synthesis are used to advance a relational and contextualised theory of urban cohesion and contribute to wider academic and policy debates on urban social networks and neighbourhood deprivation.

Population ageing and the tendency for older adults to have poorer health status than younger adults have raised concerns about potential increases in the number of elderly suffering disease and disability. Significantly, many health problems experienced in later life are associated with the onset of a more sedentary lifestyle. Increasing older adults' participation in leisure time physical activity (henceforth LTPA) offers an opportunity to reduce the prevalence of preventable morbidity in later life and offset a potential burden of ageing on the public health sector. As a forerunner to the development of strategies to increase older adults' LTPA participation, researchers have investigated the intrapersonal, interpersonal and, to a lesser extent, environmental influences on this health behaviour. Recent findings from studies of the adult population have suggested that neighbourhood deprivation, a measure of the socioeconomic conditions of small areas, may significantly influence LTPA participation. Extending previous findings, this research investigated how neighbourhood deprivation influenced older adults' LTPA participation. A total of 63 older adults were recruited from high- and low-deprivation neighbourhoods in Christchurch, New Zealand. Neighbourhoods were selected because of their relative positions on the New Zealand Deprivation Index and were characterised by the researcher as "East-town", a neighbourhood of high deprivation, and "West-town", a neighbourhood of low deprivation. The research incorporated a cross-sectional, comparative and mixed-methods approach. The methods of enquiry employed in this research included a recall survey, Q method, and semi-structured interviewing. Each method addressed a different aspect of the primary research question and provided data that was used in the creation of an integrated model depicting the influence of neighbourhood deprivation on older adults' LTPA participation. The results derived from the three research methods showed that older adults from the low-deprivation neighbourhood of West-town participated in LTPA more frequently than older adults from the high-deprivation neighbourhood of East-town. East-town was identified as having many physical and social environmental constraints to LTPA and comparatively few facilitators. Alternatively, West-town was found to have many physical and social environmental facilitators to LTPA and relatively few constraints. Neighbourhood attributes which appeared to influence older adults' LTPA participation included appropriateness of leisure provision, neighbourhood attractiveness, walkability, traffic, and perceptions of crime and antisocial behaviour. One implication of this research is that environmental interventions should be considered in attempts to engage older adults in LTPA for health purposes, particularly in high-deprivation neighbourhoods.