Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 278-288). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

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acase@tulane.edu / 1 / Eimeel Carolina Castillo Doña

No description available.

Thesis (M.A. in anthropology)--Washington State University, May 2009. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on May 26, 2009). "Department of Anthropology." Includes bibliographical references (p. 118-129).

This serves as a contextualization of my family history and a reflection of my lived experience as a first-generation Nicaraguan American woman living in the United States. In my writing, I explore displacement caused by political unrest and the intergenerational impact of war on families. This work is multi-genre, incorporating elements of creative nonfiction, memoir, poetry, and oral history.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é explicar quais os motivos que levaram os ativistas da Frente San-dinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN) da Nicarágua a se engajarem em um movimento de alto risco. Argumenta-se que o recrutamento ocorreu nas diferentes fases do movimento e, para explicá-lo, foram reconstruídas as oportunidades políticas para o surgimento da Frente Sandinista; as razões da escolha do repertório de confronto violento; a combinação desse re-pertório com outro não violento; o processo de constituição da liderança de Carlos Fonseca e seu papel angular na construção dos enquadramentos interpretativos sandinistas que atraíram os ativistas para a mobilização. A dissertação analisa também o perfil sociopolítico de ativis-tas de alto risco atuantes no caso estudado, aferindo suas semelhanças e diferenças em compa-ração com participantes de outros movimentos revolucionários latino-americanos. Procura-se identificar fatores individuais e estruturais que levaram esses ativistas a se decidirem por tal tipo de engajamento. Foram utilizadas técnicas de pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa para ana-lisar 121 entrevistas em profundidade das e dos ativistas da Frente Sandinista. Os resultados afiançam que os motivos para engajamento no ativismo de alto risco foram: uma profunda identificação com o antissomozismo propalado pelo movimento, facilitada pela disponibilida-de biográfica dos ativistas e por seus laços sociais, prévios ao seu engajamento, em particular vínculos organizacionais, com os movimentos estudantil e religioso, e vínculos pessoais, via amigos e familiares. / The objective of this research is to explain the motives that led the activists of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) of Nicaragua to engage in a high-risk movement. As re-cruitment occurred in different phases of the movement, it was rebuilt the political opportuni-ties for the emergence of the Sandinista Front; the reasons for the choice of violent confronta-tion repertoire; the combination of this repertoire with a nonviolent repertoire; the leadership of Carlos Fonseca and its angular role in the construction of the Sandinistas interpretive frameworks that attracted activists to mobilize. Once rebuilt the movement\'s bases, analyzed the overall profile and high risk of activists, assessing their similarities and differences com-pared to participants from other Latin American revolutionary movements; and individual and structural factors that led these activists decided on this type of engagement. Quantitative and qualitative research techniques were used to analyze 121 in-depth interviews of activists and the Sandinista Front. The results bail that the reasons for engaging in high-risk activism were a deep identification with the anti-somozismo movement, facilitated by biographical availabil-ity of activists and their social ties, organizational and individual, prior to their engagement. Ties with the student movement and religious prevail between (the) recruited (them), as well as strong ties with friends and family.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é explicar quais os motivos que levaram os ativistas da Frente San-dinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN) da Nicarágua a se engajarem em um movimento de alto risco. Argumenta-se que o recrutamento ocorreu nas diferentes fases do movimento e, para explicá-lo, foram reconstruídas as oportunidades políticas para o surgimento da Frente Sandinista; as razões da escolha do repertório de confronto violento; a combinação desse re-pertório com outro não violento; o processo de constituição da liderança de Carlos Fonseca e seu papel angular na construção dos enquadramentos interpretativos sandinistas que atraíram os ativistas para a mobilização. A dissertação analisa também o perfil sociopolítico de ativis-tas de alto risco atuantes no caso estudado, aferindo suas semelhanças e diferenças em compa-ração com participantes de outros movimentos revolucionários latino-americanos. Procura-se identificar fatores individuais e estruturais que levaram esses ativistas a se decidirem por tal tipo de engajamento. Foram utilizadas técnicas de pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa para ana-lisar 121 entrevistas em profundidade das e dos ativistas da Frente Sandinista. Os resultados afiançam que os motivos para engajamento no ativismo de alto risco foram: uma profunda identificação com o antissomozismo propalado pelo movimento, facilitada pela disponibilida-de biográfica dos ativistas e por seus laços sociais, prévios ao seu engajamento, em particular vínculos organizacionais, com os movimentos estudantil e religioso, e vínculos pessoais, via amigos e familiares. / The objective of this research is to explain the motives that led the activists of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) of Nicaragua to engage in a high-risk movement. As re-cruitment occurred in different phases of the movement, it was rebuilt the political opportuni-ties for the emergence of the Sandinista Front; the reasons for the choice of violent confronta-tion repertoire; the combination of this repertoire with a nonviolent repertoire; the leadership of Carlos Fonseca and its angular role in the construction of the Sandinistas interpretive frameworks that attracted activists to mobilize. Once rebuilt the movement\'s bases, analyzed the overall profile and high risk of activists, assessing their similarities and differences com-pared to participants from other Latin American revolutionary movements; and individual and structural factors that led these activists decided on this type of engagement. Quantitative and qualitative research techniques were used to analyze 121 in-depth interviews of activists and the Sandinista Front. The results bail that the reasons for engaging in high-risk activism were a deep identification with the anti-somozismo movement, facilitated by biographical availabil-ity of activists and their social ties, organizational and individual, prior to their engagement. Ties with the student movement and religious prevail between (the) recruited (them), as well as strong ties with friends and family.

No description available.

There were two great ambitions in the life of Alonso S. Perales: the first was to help his people, the Mexican-Americans; the second was to help all of mankind. To pursue this first ambition, Perales became very active as a major political leader who supported civil rights and the abolishment of racial discrimination. Many viewed him as a defender of la raza (the Mexican-American race) and one of the most influential Mexican-Americans of his time. As such, Perales devoted most of his work to defending Mexican-Americans and battling charges that Mexicans were an inferior people and a social problem. He participated in various Civil Rights organizations and was one of the founders of the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). This author argues that without Perales’ involvement, LULAC would have never existed. This work solely focuses on Perales’ life from the late 1920s to the early 1930s. It begins by examining Perales’ roots and his first involvement with Mexican-American civil rights. It then covers his role in the origin of LULAC, specifically its predecessor organization, the League of Latin American Citizens. Furthermore, this work explores Perales’ involvement in the defeat of the 1930 Box Bill and his role in the American electoral missions in Nicaragua between 1928 and 1932. Lastly, this work examines why LULAC has forgotten Perales. The main goal is to shed light on this often neglected aspect of Mexican-American history and hopefully to bring forth the importance and impact that Perales’ work had on la raza not only in Texas but nationwide.