No description available.

No description available.

Thesis--Utrecht. / "Stellingen" (1 leaf) inserted. Includes bibliographical references (p. [203]-205) and index.

This is a descriptive grammar of the eastern dialect of the Mian language, spoken by approximately 1,800 people in Papua New Guinea. The grammar comprises chapters on the segmental and tonal phonology, morphology, and syntax and concludes with a text collection. (For complete abstract open document)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kansas, 1985. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 435-439).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kansas, 1985. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 435-439).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Bryn Mawr College, 1994. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 575-615).

This thesis is a descriptive analysis of Wano, a Trans-New Guinea language found in West Papua which is spoken by approximately 7,000 native speakers. The thesis includes: (i) an introduction of Wano topography and demography; a brief ethnographic sketch; some sociolinguistic issues such as name taboo, counting system and kinship terms; and typological profile of the language in chapter 1; (ii) morphophonological properties in chapter 2; (iii) forms and functions of nouns in chapter 3; (iv) verbs in chapter 4; (v) deixis in chapter 5; (vi) clause elements in chapter 6; and (vii) intransitive/transitive non-verbal predication in chapter 7; (viii) clause combination is consecutively observed in terms of coordination and subordination in chapter 8; serial verb constructions in chapter 9; clause linking in chapter 10; and bridging linkage in chapter 11. Chapter 12 sums-up the overall thesis. Wano has 11 consonantal and 5 vocalic phonemes expressed through their allophonic variations, consonantal assimilation and vocalic diphthongs. The only fricative phoneme attested is bilabial fricative /Î2/. There are two open and two closed syllable patterns where all consonants are syllable-onset, while approximants can also be syllable-coda. Vowels are syllable-nucleus. Stress is syllable-final which will be penultimate in cliticization. The phonology-morphology interface provides a significant contribution to the shaping of conjugational verbs, which, in turn, plays an essential role to an understanding of Wano verbal system where distinction between roots, stems, citation forms, sequential forms and tense-aspect-mood is defined. Wano is a polysynthetic language that displays an agglutinative-fusional morphology. Although the alienable-inalienable noun distinction is essentially simple in its morphology, the sex-distinction of the possessor between kin terms allows room for semantic-pragmatic complexity in the interpretation of their various uses. Wano has four non-verbal predications, consists of experiential event, nominal, adjectival, and deictic predicates. Wano is a verb-final language that allows pronominal pro-drop and has no rigid word order for arguments. A clause may consist only of (i) a single verb, (ii) a single inalienable noun, (iii) a serial verb construction, (iv) a combination of an inalienable noun with a verb, and or (v) a combination of an inalienable noun with a serial verb construction. To maintain discourse coherency, Wano makes use of tail-head linkage construction. The thesis consists of: pre-sections (i-xxxiii), contents (1-478), bibliography (479-498), and appendices (499-594) that include verb paradigms, noun paradigms, some oral texts and dialectal wordlist.

A sequence stratigraphic study was conducted on the Mendi and Darai Limestone Megasequences in the foreland area of the Papuan Basin in Papuan New Guinea. It involved the integrated use of seismic, wireline log, well core and cuttings, strontium isotope age and biostratigraphic data. This study enhanced the understanding of the structure, stratigraphy and depositional architecture of the limestones, and the morphology of the basin at the time of deposition. The results of the study were integrated with published geological and tectonic models for the Papuan Basin to develop a consistent and coherent model for the depositional history of the limestones. Eleven third-order sequences were delineated within the Mendi and Darai Limestone Megasequences. Eight depositional facies were interpreted across these sequences, namely deep-shelf, shallow-shelf, backreef, reef, shoal, forereef, basin margin and submarine fan facies. Each facies was differentiated according to seismic character and geometry, well core and cuttings descriptions, and its position in the depositional framework of the sequence. Deposition of the Mendi Limestone Megasequence commenced in the Eocene in response to thermal subsidence and eustatic sea-level rise. Sedimentation comprised open-marine, shallow-water, shelfal carbonates. During the middle of the Oligocene, the carbonate shelf was exposed and eroded in response to the collision of the Australian and Pacific Plates, or a major global eustatic sea-level fall. Sedimentation recommenced in the Late Oligocene, however, in response to renewed extensional faulting and subsidence associated with back-arc extension. This marked the onset of deposition of the Darai Limestone Megasequence in the study area. The KFZ, OFZ and Darai Fault were reactivated during this time, resulting in the oblique opening of the Omati Trough. Sedimentation was initially restricted to the Omati Trough and comprised deep and shallow-marine shelfal carbonates. By the Early Miocene, however, movement on the faults had ceased and an extensive carbonate platform had developed across the Gulf of Papua. Carbonate reef growth commenced along topographic highs associated with the KFZ, and led to the establishment of a rimmed carbonate shelf margin. Shallow to locally deeper-marine, shelfal carbonates were deposited on this shelf, and forereef, submarine fan and basin margin carbonates were deposited basinward of the shelf margin. The Uramu High and parts of the Pasca High became submerged during this time and provided sites for pinnacle reef development. During the middle of the Early Miocene, a major global eustatic sea-level fall or flexure of the Papuan Basin associated with Early Miocene ophiolite obduction subaerially exposed the carbonate shelf. This resulted in submarine erosion of the forereef and basin margin sediments. Towards the end of the Early Miocene, however, sedimentation recommenced. Shallow-marine, undifferentiated wackestones and packstones were deposited on the shelf; forereef, submarine fan and basin margin sediments were deposited basinward of the shelf margin; and reef growth recommenced along the shelf margin and on the Pasca and Uramu Highs. By the end of the Early Miocene, however, the pinnacle reef on the Pasca High had drowned. During the middle of the Middle Miocene, subtle inversion associated with ophiolite obduction subaerially exposed the carbonate shelf, and resulted in submarine erosion of the forereef and basin margin sediments. Sedimentation recommenced towards the end of the Middle Miocene, however, in response to eustatic sea-level rise and flexure of the crust associated with foreland basin development. Shallow marine, undifferentiated wackestones, packstones and grainstones were deposited on the shelf; carbonate shoals were deposited along the shelf margin; and forereef, submarine fan and basin margin carbonates were deposited basinward of the shelf margin. Carbonate production rapidly outpaced accommodation space on the shelf during this time, resulting in highstand shedding and the development of a large prograding submarine fan complex basinward of the shelf margin. By the Late Miocene, carbonate deposition had ceased across the majority of the study area in response to a major global eustatic sea-level fall or inversion associated with terrain accreation events along the northern Papuan margin. Minor carbonate deposition continued on parts of the Uramu High, however, until the middle of the Late Miocene. During the latest Miocene, clastic sediments prograded across the carbonate shelf, infilling parts of the foreland basin. Plio-Pleistocene compression resulted in inversion and erosion of the sedimentary package in the northwestern part of the study area. In the southeastern part of the Papuan Basin, however, clastic sedimentation continued to the present day.

Doctor of Philosophy(PhD) / Menggwa Dla is a Papuan language spoken in Sandaun Province of Papua New Guinea and Kabupaten Jayapura of Papua Province, Indonesia. Menggwa Dla is a dialect of the Dla language; together with its sister language Anggor (e.g. Litteral 1980), the two languages form the Senagi language family, one of the small Papuan language families found in North-Central New Guinea. The main text of this thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the linguistic, cultural and political landscapes of the Indonesia-Papua New Guinea border area where the Dla territory is located. Chapter 2 introduces the phonology of Menggwa Dla; described in this chapter are the phonemes, allophonic variations, phonotactics, morpho-phonological processes, stress assignment and intonation of the language. The inventory of phonemes in Menggwa is average for a Papuan language (15 consonants and 5 vowels). The vast majority of syllables come in the shape of V, CV or C1C2V where C2 can be /n/ /r/ /l/ /j/ or /w/. In C1C2V syllables, the sonority rises from C1 to V (§2.2.2). Nevertheless, there are a few words with word-medial consonant sequences like ft /ɸt/, lk /lk/, lf /lɸ/ or lk /lk/ where the sonority drops from the first to the second consonant; the first consonant in these sequences is analysed as the coda of the previous syllable (§2.2.3). Chapter 3 is an overview of the word classes in Menggwa Dla; the morphological, syntactic and semantic properties of the three major word classes (nouns, adjectives and verbs) and the minor word classes are compared in this chapter. Chapter 4 describes the properties of nouns and noun phrases; the person-number-gender categories, noun-phrasal syntax, nominal clitics and personal pronouns are outlined in this chapter. Menggwa Dla has a rich array of case, topic and focus markers which comes in the form of clitics (§4.5). Subject pronouns (‘citation pronouns’) only mark person (i.e. one for each of the three persons), whereas object and genitive pronouns mark person (including inclusive/exclusive first person), number, and sometimes also gender features (§4.6). Chapter 5 introduces various morphological and syntactic issues which are common to both independent and dependent clauses: verb stems, verb classes, cross-referencing, intraclausal syntax, syntactic transitivity and semantic valence. Cross-referencing in Menggwa Dla is complex: there are seven paradigms of subject cross-reference suffixes and four paradigms of object cross-references. Based on their cross-referencing patterns, verbs are classified into one of five verb classes (§5.2). There is often a mismatch between the number of cross-reference suffixes, the semantic valence, and the syntactic transitivity within a clause. There are verbs where the subject cross-reference suffix, or the object suffix, or both the subject and object suffixes are semantically empty (‘dummy cross-reference suffixes’; §5.3.2). Chapter 6 outlines the morphology of independent verbs and copulas. Verbal morphology differs greatly between the three statuses of realis, semi-realis and irrealis; a section is devoted to the morphology for each of the three statuses. Chapter 7 introduces the dependent clauses and verbal noun phrases. Different types of dependent verbs are deverbalised to various degrees: subordinate verbs are the least deverbalised, chain verbs are more deverbalised (but they mark switch-reference (SR), and sometimes also interclausal temporal relations), and non-finite chain verbs even more deverbalised. Further deverbalised than the non-finite chain verbs are the verbal nouns; verbal noun phrases in Menggwa Dla functions somewhat like complement clauses in English. In younger speakers speech, the function of the chain clause SR system has diverted from the canonical SR system used by older speakers (§7.2.2). For younger speakers, coreferential chain verb forms and disjoint-reference chain verb forms only have their coreferential and disjoint-referential meaning — respectively — when the person-number-gender features of the two subject cross-reference suffixes cannot resolve the referentiality of the two subjects. Otherwise, the coreferential chain verb forms have become the unmarked SR-neutral chain verb forms. At the end of this thesis are appendix 1, which contains four Menggwa Dla example texts, and appendix 2, which contains tables of cross-reference suffixes, pronouns, copulas and irregular verbs.