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Inaug.-diss.--Göttingen. / Lebenslauf. "Literatur-verzeichnis": p. 55-58.

Thesis (doctoral)--Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität zu Greifswald.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität München, 1972. / Includes bibliographical references (p. xi-xxvii).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 1989. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

An investigation into the means by which the Parliament carried on the War during the years 1642 to 1648 must take into consideration the role of the Office of Ordnance at the Tower of London. A study of the financial and administrative aspects of the Civil Wars would be incomplete without an examination of the ways in which the parties supplied their respective forces with arms, ammunition, clothing and equipment of all kinds. The extent to which they were successful in this sphere has a bearing on other aspects of the conflict. In monetary terms, the resources allocated by Parliament to the procurement of munitions, clothing and equipment for its forces on land appear small in comparison with some other items of military expenditure such as soldiers' pay. Lack of pay had an adverse effect on the strength and effectiveness of an army, and indeed it might have political as well as military repercussions, yet the consequences of a deficiency of munitions could obviously be significant too. The Ordnance Office had since the fifteenth century assumed a central position in the procurement, storage and distribution of munitions to English armies and garrisons, even though it had not acquired a monopoly of those tasks. This fact alone makes it worthwhile to investigate the effect of the outbreak of the Civil Wars upon the personnel and routines of the Office and then the way in which it functioned during the years of conflict that ensued. The Ordnance Office has been the subject of study during the period of its history stretching from the time of its inception to the early eighteenth century, but there has so far been no account of the institution as it was maintained by the Parliament during the Civil War years.

No description available.

No description available.

Técnicas de estimação de pontos ideais baseadas na teoria espacial do voto têm sido largamente utilizadas para retratar legislaturas ao redor do mundo. No entanto, tais técnicas foram pensadas inicialmente para o estudo do caso norte-americano, que possui um sistema político bipartidário e no qual as migrações partidárias são eventos raros. Em países como o Brasil, algumas precauções devem ser tomadas. Assim, o primeiro objetivo deste trabalho é metodológico. Como os pressupostos sobre a distribui ção dos erros não são factíveis para o caso brasileiro, o uso de técnicas como o W-Nominate e o IDEAL não é recomendável. Desta maneira, defenderemos o uso do método não paramétrico Optimal Classication. Ainda neste sentido discutiremos a questão da unidade de análise e como ela pode inuenciar na escolha do número de dimensões relevantes. O segundo objetivo é substantivo. O que pretendemos responder é quantas e quais dimens ões são necessárias para representar razoavelmente bem as preferências dos senadores brasileiros. Mostraremos que uma só dimensão que expressa o conito entre governo e oposição é suciente. / Ideal point estimation methods based upon the spatial theory of voting has been broadly used to represent legislatures around the world. However, such methods were initially thought to analyze the U.S case, that has a bipartisan system and in which party switching are rare events. In countries like Brazil, some precautions must be taken. Thus, the rst aim of this study is methodological. As the assumptions of the error distribution are not feasible to the Brazilian case, the use of techniques like W-Nominate and IDEAL are not recommended. So, we argue in favor of the use of the non-parametric method Optimal Classication. Further, in this direction, we discuss the problem of the unit of analysis and how it can mislead the choice of the number of relevant dimensions. The second aim is substantive. What we intend to answer is how many and which dimensions are necessary to represent fairly well the preferences of Brazilian senators. We will show that only one dimension that manifest the conict between government and opposition is sucient.

Parliamentary privilege encompasses certain special rights and immunities deemed necessary to protect legislatures and members from undue interference so that they can effectively carry out their functions of inquiring, debating and legislating. The doctrine has engendered conflicts that have never been wholly resolved between courts and legislatures, and between individual rights and parliamentary privileges. The advent of modern human rights and emphasis on democratic values such as accountability and transparency has brought a new urgency to this problem. The current passive and defensive approach of Canadian legislatures is unsustainable, as is the approach taken by the SCC in recent jurisprudence. The paper argues against expanding the scope of judicial review of privilege claims as a solution, and in favour of open modernization processes led by parliamentarians, and involving public participation. Further, the paper advocates for the application of a “relational approach” versus the traditional “contest approach” to parliamentary privilege.