To develop a sustainable future for the rangelands, partnerships are needed — partnerships between scientists, policy makers, visitors, and most significantly, the various communities of people who live and work in the rangelands. The views of these people are as variable as the country about which they care; rangeland communities are not homogeneous. The power relations between these people are at the base of many conflicts. How we handle the relationships between these groups, and manage these conflicts, are crucial for success in land management. ¶ The first part of this thesis reviews the history of both community participation and power theory. While participatory approaches are part of the rhetoric in Australian land management, proponents are generally naïve about the complexities of power and power relations. The philosophical literature highlights that power is a contested concept; and these divisions are epitomised by the works of Habermas and Foucault. Their writings are compared and contrasted to provide a rich understanding of power relations in community participation. ¶ Power relations influence whose voices are heard: those who exercise power, and the sets of rules that define what is seen as true or false at any given time in history. Power relations also determine whose knowledge is incorporated in land management policy and practice. The model proposed in this thesis demonstrates that power relations interact with every dimension of community participation: context, goals, scale, stage, who is involved, the capacity of those involved, and the methods used. ¶ Research was undertaken within agricultural and natural resource management programs and projects in south-west Queensland. A variety of participatory approaches are used by government agencies to encourage grazier participation and the adoption of more sustainable practices, such as Landcare, Bestprac and the regional groups, such as the South West Strategy. While government staff in south-west Queensland purport to share decision-making power with landholders, landholders tend to have different perspectives about the level of power that is being shared. ¶ One of the key findings of this research is that power is not static within any project. Rather, power is ultradynamic, fluid, and highly dependent on context. In terms of land management programs, the levels of power sharing fluctuate over time and between actors. The micro-physics of power, or the power relations among individuals, are often invisible to, or neglected by, the facilitators of land management programs. ¶ Government agencies tend to focus on the processes used, and on finding the best participatory methods, rather than on the individuals who implement the process or the individuals who participate. Greater flexibility is needed in approaches to land management; correspondingly, greater responsibility is needed from all individuals who have a stake in it. To find sustainable solutions for the rangelands and its people, all involved in participatory land management projects need to better understand the dynamics of power, so as to manage any negative effects.

The city of Xalapa, like many Mexican cities, does not count with any sort of official recycling program. Resource recovery relies on the work performed by the informal recycling sector and often, such work is neglected by the local government. In line with this, the aim of this study is to evaluate if a participatory resource management is a more suitable option than the current approach; so that the informal recycling sector can be included into the formal waste management system. In order to do so, this study employed a case study method using qualitative data; during the month of field work in Xalapa, semi- structured interviews and observation were the techniques used for collecting data. Concepts such as informal economy, participatory resource management, network theory and waste management were employed to analyze the organization and operation of the formal and informal waste management systems. Drawn from the results and analysis, it was presented that the informal recycling sector in Xalapa is composed of 5 different types of actors. Some of these actors are organized, while others work independently. The study revealed that their income is related to their capability of accessing to infrastructure and resources. This access to infrastructure and resources takes the form of a secondary materials trade hierarchy where the income of an actor depends on their ability to add value to their recovered materials. Additionally, organized actors tend to be less prone to manipulation and exploitation. Furthermore, it was deemed relevant to look at the current policies and regulations as well as to the action plans proposed by the local government for alleviating the solid waste crisis in Xalapa. It was identified that to consider a participatory resource management approach, several barriers need to be overcome; these barriers lie within the governance and social spectrum. However, despite the identified barriers, the current waste management system has opportunities for creating a more inclusive and socially just municipal solid waste management system.