Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität Leipzig, 1911. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [46]).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of British Columbia, 2008. / Title from .pdf title page (viewed on May 20, 2010). Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Anthropology, Jun. 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

No description available.

“Evil Dead: The Problematic Story of the Jonestown Corpses” examines the issues that arose with handling the bodies after the mass suicide of Peoples Temple members on the Jonestown site in 1978. The Jonestown dead are treated as deviant and dangerous. This project examines strategies of classification and identification, and how these differed before and after the mass suicide. A particular emphasis will be on the disgust response as a shared signifier of danger. A comparison is drawn between the 2011 Jonestown memorial stone and the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, examining how memorials can be made that separate the dead from controversial conflicts. The Peoples Temple saw themselves as participating in a ‘Revolutionary Suicide’ to advance a socialist agenda. This intent was lost in the aftermath of the suicides, and they were instead treated as irrational and excluded by their former allies. The eventual memorial only became possible by separating the dead from their cause. / October 2016

This thesis investigates the potential for return migrants to have an impact on development in the small-state case of Guyana, relative to the non-migrant population. To do this in a fairly comprehensive manner, three specific questions are posed. Firstly, what are the differences among return migrants, non-returning migrants, and non-migrants? Secondly, what are the determinants of return migration to Guyana? And thirdly, what are the potential consequences of return migration to Guyana? The first question allows for an understanding of critical differences among return migrants, non-returning migrants, and non-migrants. This provides information on where, potentially, return migrants show important differences relative to the other groups, and if those differences observed would be useful for development in Guyana. Further, I explore the sustainability of return migration through the concept of mixed embeddedness, looking into the influences of return migrants' desire for re-emigration. Hence, answering the first question is an early signal of where, potentially, return migrants demonstrate attributes that arguably are useful for development in the origin country. In answering the second question, an insight is provided into what determines return. In particular, determinants of return take on a more real-world context, factoring a key eligibility of policy – that of duration of time spent abroad. Lastly, given the multidimensional link between migration and development, the final question tries to understand what the actual nexus between return migration and development is for the case of Guyana. Especially, I explore the direct and indirect impact of return migration, whether return migrants are likely to be of more use in development over non-migrants, and the measurable indicators of this nexus for Guyana. To facilitate the analysis, the thesis first justifies why it is useful to revisit return migration as a potentially useful impetus for development. Here is where the small state case is presented as still valid. It then delves into the relevance of return migration and development linkages for the particular case of Guyana. In the process, it reveals why Guyana is an interesting case, contextualizing the theoretical perspectives that help to rationalize the general arguments, for and against, why individuals leave and some return. The account then notes, where data are available, existing policy practices in some small states as they relate to how governments demonstrate an interest in return migration as useful for origin-state development. The above summarizes the content of chapters 1 and 2. Chapter 3 explains in detail the mixed-method approach used to collect the qualitative and quantitative data required to develop the critical arguments and research results presented in chapters 4, 5, and 6. A two-stage stratified sampling approach with disproportionate fractions was used to collect data on 451 return migrants and 528 non-migrants. This data was pooled with 210 non-returning migrants captured in an online survey using an ethno-survey framework. Additionally, qualitative interviews with representatives of several local institutions with responsibility for return migration policy, data, and concessions delivery were conducted to support the quantitative framework. Notwithstanding the fairly large sample size, the return migration and development story told in this thesis not only dwells on averages, but also on individual reflections of return contained in the data. For the analysis, a mix of standard and novel approaches is utilized. The transnationalism approach, which recognizes the current characterization of the fluidity of migration, combined with the capabilities approach to migration and development, enables a general view on how the nexus is manifested in development outcomes at the individual level. These are the main reference points adapted to guide the conversation on determinants and consequences respectively. Techniques employed for the analysis of determinants and consequences are survival analysis and exploratory factor analysis, including the OLS and Ordered Probit models. The sample demonstrated that return migrants were different on personal and socioeconomic attributes. Migrants returned mainly from countries within the CARICOM region rather than from those further away such as the North America and Other International areas. Return migrants have a tendency to remit prior to returning, even acquiring personal assets before, which can be linked to their duration spent abroad and their host location. On returning, returnees in the sample differed from non-migrants, especially in the areas of educational attainment and current earnings in terms of monthly household income. International migration in terms of the level of development at the host location is an imperative. Return migrants' exposure and enhanced capacity are potentially useful for development. But, the jury is still out on whether this is harnessed to fill development gaps in the origin country Guyana. Nevertheless, returnees can be viewed as ‘elites' which puts this group among those most equipped to (re)-emigrate. Hence, desires for re-emigration are vested not only in the institutional and structural stressors, but also reflect individual attributes of return migrants. Return migration thus does not necessarily complete the migration cycle. Return, demonstrated in the sample mostly by those in the CARICOM region, has been subjected to a number of personal characteristics – migration status among other reasons. Structural factors have not been captured well to reflect the differences in the host countries to that of origin, but something is definitely happening at host locations that engenders the agency of returnees. Capabilities and achievements of migrants returning are indicative of systems and structures at the host locations. Even in the presence of heterogeneity among returnees, return migrants seem to have a positive impact on development in Guyana relative to non-migrants. Returning was also importantly a function the migrant's position/membership in the household at origin, as social attachments inclined them to return. But their contribution on return correlates with the duration spent abroad; the longer time giving migrants better opportunities to prepare, remit, and acquire local assets in some cases. The signal given, therefore, is that, while returnees seem positively related to local development through their human capital, there is no guarantee that they will be contributing to local development if the policy is not designed to extract necessary obligations. While return might be interpreted as success in some cases, migrants juxtapose economic and noneconomic factors in navigating return and re-emigration. As it already obtains, if migrants do not return some still remit which can also contribute to the development of Guyana. This happens if diaspora policy and thoughts of returning are engendered by the non-returning migrant. Transnational ties help to reinforce such thoughts. Notwithstanding, the transnational approach alone cannot explain the many contexts of migration and return. Such would require multiple contextual approaches. The relationships of the consequences of return migration for development in Guyana has been reflected in the extraction of 13 observable indicators. The variables give ideas into the relationship of return and development, that is to say the capabilities and achievements of returnees as compared to non-migrants. But return migrants' achievements, even when this is above that of non-migrants, does not guarantee inputs to wider local development in the presence of structural rigidities. In fact, during the period of exchange rate and foreign exchange restrictions, non-returning migrants could not remit formally, intending migrants could not get access to passports at will, inter alia. The result was a massive underground economy as a coping strategy under import substitution development. Notwithstanding, in the presence of liberal policies and transnationalism, at minimum, migration does do something positive for the migrants and/or the households from which they originate, even if the models used in this thesis exaggerate these outcomes.

The life of the pre-European Maori consisted of subsistence strategies ranging from hunter-gatherer to horticultural activities. The femur of both sexes is generally characterised by a flattened proximal shaft rotated inward, and by a short, markedly bowed, robust diaphysis. Femoral rugosity denotes the attachment of relatively great thigh musculature which, in turn, is an indicator of the levels of physical activity associated with the subsistence strategies undertaken. The femoral neck and head is distinguished from contemporary populations and those of comparative subsistence strategies by a larger anterior offset (anteversion) and greater horizontal inclination (Coxa valga). In addition to consistently large femoral anteversion, the femoral head is denoted by a broad, horizontally oval insertion for the ligament of the head (fovea). These external morphological traits are such consistent features within the femur they represent racial attributes of the pre-European Maori population. The femoral morphology of the pre-European Maori has been described by earlier researchers dating back 109 years to 1886. However, there have been limited functional evaluations of the external traits, in particular, how traits are associated with respect to each other. To resolve these limitations and determine a biological basis to femoral morphology a comprehensive analysis of external traits from the femur and pelvis is combined with the biomechanical properties of geometric profiles at six cross-sectional levels of the diaphysis. From six major regions within New Zealand a total of 107 pooled femora in three catalogued �series� were measured, of these 52 are male and 55 female, and there are 22 pairs (11 male pairs, 11 female pairs). The external traits measured comprise articular areas, femoral angles, diaphyseal dimensions, and anterior shaft curvature. In addition, pelvic dimensions for matching femora are recorded. Cross-sectional parameters derived from profile areas and second moments of area provide information on compressive strength, and bending rigidities and orientation at each cross-sectional level. Statistical methods employed are univariate F-ratios and Student�s t-test, bivariate correlation coefficients, and multivariate principal components, discriminant function, and linear regression. In this study of the pre-European Maori it is suggested that the normal developmental changes in femoral angles are prevented by extrinsic mechanical influences, such as habitual posture, high levels of physical activity, and greater musculature that alter growth plate morphogenesis. Femoral angles are �set� on epiphyseal fusion and have limited ability to remodel. The femoral diaphysis in the adult undergoes continual remodelling at the periosteal and endosteal surfaces and provides adaptive plasticity to mechanical loading at the hip and knee. Results indicate differences in absolute and relative values of external and cross-sectional traits that indicate mechanical loading patterns specific to each sex. Functional interpretation of inter-trait associations suggests that; 1) associations between external traits indicate the functional effect of growth and development on femoral size and shape characteristics. 2) Associations within cross-sectional parameters show relationships between appositional remodelling activity and structural strength. 3) Associations between external and internal traits indicate the importance of mechanical loading patterns established during growth and adulthood to final femoral morphology and subsequently to adaptive remodelling of the adult shaft.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1984. / Vita. Bibliography: leaves [359]-418.

This thesis examines the development of the right of indigenous peoples to natural resources on their lands and territories in international law. It examines international treaties, the jurisprudence of international courts and other international bodies, as well as the practice of international actors. A special focus is on the UN General Assembly Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The thesis describes the drafting process and the discussions that took place around the issue of land rights and natural resources, and uses this to draw conclusions on the development of a new international customary law of an indigenous right to free, prior and informed consent with regard to natural resources.

The effects of colonization are still evident in Aboriginal communities. This thesis examines feminism in relation to the colonial experiences of Aboriginal people. Drawing on feminist theories, this thesis explores how the ideology and practices of male dominance were imposed through colonization in Aboriginal societies. European male dominance has been modeled throughout colonization and assimilation, and this set the standard for future gender relations in Western society and in Aboriginal communities. Patriarchy is deeply embedded in our society, and because Aboriginal people have been affected by this, historically and in the present, they in turn absorb these practices as normal thought and behavior. The marginalization and oppression of Aboriginal people is due to colonization; however, patriarchal practices were also modeled in this process and this has caused Aboriginal women to be further marginalized. This thesis uses feminist theory, an analysis of patriarchy, and social constructionism to demonstrate how Aboriginal women continue to be marginalized, and how feminism may be a source of empowerment for Aboriginal people.