The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.

During most of the 1960s, the CSN was both an advocate of provincial autonomy and a defender of federalism. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, a majority of its leaders and militants came to favour separatism. Many of them saw independence as a precondition for the creation of a socialist Quebec. In 1972, the CSN rejected capitalism, endorsed socialism, and envisaged an internal referendum on the independence issue. The internal debate, however, took place only after the Parti quebecois was elected to power in 1976. Fearing internal divisions and disaffiliations, the CSN did not endorse separatism. Being disappointed with the Parti quebecois' governmental record, the CSN was content to give a critical support to a yes vote in the referendum in 1980.

35-53, 86-110 in original are omitted/mispaginated / In this thesis, the relationship between various group memberships of university students and their participation in certain campus-wide activities is studied. The question asked is: What are the differences in campus political participation and donation of blood in the Blood Drive of isolates and of students with low or high degrees of social participation in campus life. [...]

Traditional thinking on security fails to explain the security predicament of Third World states. These states, with their existence assured by international recognition, are not primarily concerned with externally generated threats. Their internal characteristics violate the tenants of the realist theory, because they have more than one nation within their borders. The domestic conditions of these states make them internally insecure and weak---the threat of ethnic conflict great. / As such, placing security in the military sphere alone, ignores these contradictions which lead to an insecurity dilemma. Thus, the concept of security needs to be broadened to include, not merely the military but also the political, societal and economic factors. The threat posed to state security from dissenting ethnic groups is both a domestic and foreign policy issue. It is within this discussion, that the thesis examines Turkey's security predicament with regards to her Kurdish minority.

No description available.

No description available.

This study explores the impact of the counter culture on students at two Anglophone universities in the 1960s and 70s. It focuses on the social and historical differences that predisposed English speaking youth to metropolitan based cultures. It explores this in the context of a lack of identity with the dominant culture of apartheid. The study examines the method of transmission, absorption, translation and incorporation of the counterculture and the New Left. The factors that highlighted the differences between South African students and their counterparts abroad are seen not only in their access to technology but also in the nature of their relationship to power both political and educational. The importance of understanding what bred different responses to similar stimuli assists in understanding the process in which the global became local. It is argued here that the attraction of the counterculture lay in the broader cultural scope it gave to expressions of difference and resistance as a response to the rigid and continuous expansion of punitive measures by the apartheid government. The persistence through the 1960s of a liberal framework is examined in the context of a response to these measures as well as a failure to move beyond the racial foregrounding of the political system. The influences of events in the USA, UK and France in 1968 are seen in the context of their importance in South Africa as a catalyst to practical and theoretical change. The significance of individuals as translators of the discourses of the New Left is paralleled in examinations of South African musicians whose lyrics and compositions carried both the ideas of the counter culture as well as expressed responses and issues shared by their audiences. The importance of the coalescing of both the New Left and the counterculture are evident in the early 1970s. Students adopted a Marxist framework within which to analyse South Africa, and the methods of the New Left in France in seeking alliances with workers. This practical approach was an example of the global becoming local and introduced those with access to privileged white education into a reexamination of the role of education in changing society. The counterculture expressed itself in the adoption of both cultural and educational methods of focusing on change as a response both to students relationship to power as well as to the emphasis of the 1960s on a broader more individually expressed ability to embrace change and new values. The study concludes that the framework of the New Left when employed in redefining South African history was central to a process of both economic and cultural change within the country. The absence of a strongly expressed identity suggests the widespread appeal of the central values of the counterculture which emphasized distance and disaffiliation from the dominant culture. The opportunity offered by this position is seen as a response to the political expressions of a racially defined student body against a less obvious but significant change in the definition and role of tertiary education and cultural institutions. / Theses (Ph.D)-University of KwaZulu Natal, Durban, 2010.

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.Ed.) - University of Natal, 1990.

In 1900 Durban's white' society closely resembled its British counterpart. As in Britain an ideal of womanhood encompassed various generalisations concerning woman's true nature and purpose. Women were upheld as pure, chaste nurturers, and homemakers. In order that they might remain so fufil their destiny as wives and mothers, women were expected to remain in the private sphere, protected and supported by bread-winning husbands and fathers. Reality did not conform to the ideal Not all women were happy or satisfied by marriage and motherhood Large numbers of women were neither supported nor protected but forced to enter the public sphere, finding employment to secure a livelihood. They faced discrimination within an ideology which admitted them to the labour force under sufferance Women's work' was poorly paid, of low status and offered little opportunity for advancement. For these and other reasons some women became prostitutes . The prostitution issue was extremely controversial in the period under discussion. Ambiguities and contradictions inherent in the ideology of sexuality were revealed, as were various attempts to cope with these issues. Prostitutes were exploited sexually but this exploitation was at least lucrative. Continental womed probably earned more money in a year than a housewife, cleaner or factory 'drudge' ever saw in thei r lives . Many women therefore chose to go beyond the pale of society . Women resisted constraints placed upon them in a number of ways: they refused offers of marriage (supposedly their highest attainment); they left their husbands; they attempted to learn about and obtain forms of contraception, in direct opposition to the ideology of motherhood; they risked abortion despite the possibiIity of death, injury, prosecution or societal ostracism. Women attempted to improve their wages, working conditions and status. During the Great War' some of their ambi tions were real ised though most concessions gained were lost by 1920. Most of Durban women's organisations (all middle-class) accepted and were reflective of the ideals held by society. The Women's Enfranchisement League however, though working within the ideology of the time, challenged women's relegation to the private sphere. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.

In order to understand black women's socio-political role in the construction of, and participation in resistance culture, it is essential to look at the historic developments as a whole. To define women's social and political role in resistance as inherently separate would infact marginalize women from the broader overview, and therefore discredit their contribution to resistance politics. Women should be seen as part of public society. If to be separate is, inherently, to be unequal, then it is only by integrating the study of women into the study of society that "women's studies", by ceasing to exist, will, paradoxically, have had the impact on academic fields that it deserves. l Information collected for this thesis, was based on information given by and taped at . African National Congress (ANC), United Democratic Front (UDF) and Pan African Congress (PAC) resistance rallies, meetings and conferences. The women and men I interviewed were affiliated to one of the above mentioned political organizations. I do not wish to speak on behalf of these or any black women, nor do I claim to understand what they had to endure during the eighties. My aim, however, is to document the toyi-toyi as it pertained to black women, and the history surrounding its creation, and the symbolic meaning inherent in its performance, as accurately as possible. I believe the toyi-toyi spoke and still speaks about important political and social issues. Ignoring this voice, and letting it go unnoticed would be an intellectual crime and socially irresponsible. History speaks through the actions of people. A very powerful performance and vehicle of communication will be lost if the toyi-toyi is left undocumented. We as researchers must not only document the words of leaders, we must let the voices of the people be heard. I know many white South Africans are afraid of the toyi-toyi performance. They associate it with unruliness, violence and crime. The SABC news media has done a good job of documenting it as such. News flashes of the toyi-toyi was and is still shown in relation to burning tyres, stone throwing and the "violent, chanting black crowd." The aim of my research and the reason behind writing this thesis, is to let the voices of black people, but especially black women be heard - let the toyi-toyi speak to those who hide from its performance. Endnotes. M.Z. Rosaldo Women, Culture and Society, (Stanford 1874), 128. / Thesis (M.Mus.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1994.