據稿本複印 / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學傳播學系,1992. / 附參考文獻 / 黃慕嫻. / Chapter I、 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter II、 --- 發展理論的回顧 --- p.4 / Chapter 一、 --- 發展的概念 --- p.4 / Chapter 二、 --- 發展與現代化 --- p.7 / Chapter 三、 --- 依賴理論與發展 --- p.10 / Chapter III、 --- 發展概念的再思 一一從亞洲四小龍的發展模式想起 --- p.21 / Chapter IV、 --- 「發展新聞」與國家發展 --- p.28 / Chapter V、 --- 極權主義和社會責任的報業模式 --- p.37 / Chapter 一、 --- 極權主義論 --- p.38 / Chapter 二、 --- 社會責任論 --- p.38 / Chapter VI、 --- 本硏究之假設 --- p.44 / Chapter VII、 --- 台灣的發展 --- p.46 / Chapter 一、 --- 台灣的國家發展 --- p.46 / Chapter 二、 --- 台灣的報業發展 --- p.57 / Chapter VI、 --- 硏究方法 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 發展新聞的界定 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 選樣方法 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 量度方法 --- p.71 / Chapter IX、 --- 結果分折 --- p.73 / Chapter X、 --- 總結 --- p.93 / Chapter 一、 --- 結論 --- p.93 / Chapter 二、 --- 對發展新聞與社會責任報業 模式的一點意見 --- p.95 / Chapter 三、 --- 本硏究的限制 --- p.97 / Chapter 附錄（一）： --- 「發展新聞學與國家發展一一 台灣個案硏究」準測試報告 --- p.99 / Chapter 附錄（二）： --- 台灣國民生產毛額曲線圖（1951-1976) --- p.110 / 台灣國民生產毛額曲線圖（1981-1990) / 台灣國民所得曲線圖（1951-1976) / 台灣國民所得曲線圖（1981-1990) / 台灣經濟指標一覽表（1955-1979) / 台灣歷次經濟計劃概要一覽表（1955-1989) / 台灣社團與成員數（1950-1982) / 台灣地區歷年選舉競爭程度表（1954-1977) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞總數量的變化(1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞內容分佈百分比圖表（1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞正負面報導的百分比圖表(1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞「讃揚」及「批 評」政府新聞百分比圖表（1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞「政府」及「其 他人士」作消息來源的報導百分比圖表 (1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞「軍方消息來源 」及「多方消息來源」的報導百分比圖 表（1956-1989) / 參考書目 / Reference

This dissertation applied mass communication theory and the interdisciplinary theory of social network analysis to the networked political blogosphere and its relationship to mass media. Utilizing such mass communication theories as agenda setting, the two-step flow, and gatekeeping, this study examined eighteen political blogs across the political spectrum (left-leaning, right-leaning, and moderate blogs), two elite mass media outlets (the New York Times and the Washington Post), and two elite mass media blogs (political blogs from the New York Times and the Washington Post), using both hyperlink analysis as well as textual content analysis. Hyperlinking provided information on gatekeeping and the social network connections between blogs and mass media and among the different ideological political blog networks. Content analysis conducted at the issue and the issue attribute level provided a second layer of evidence to analyze how agendas are formed, framed, and transferred in the emerging new media environment. All the both levels of textual content analysis and hyperlink analysis, this dissertation found solid support for the operation of both mass media agenda setting and social network influence at both the issue and the attribute level. Though the agenda setting function of the press is still a tenable assumption, blogs from all ideological spectrums were able to set the mass media's agenda. The issue agendas of blogs of shared partisan perspective, particularly the agenda of the left-leaning blogosphere, provided strong evidence of homogenous issue adoption by blogs of the same partisan network neighborhood or social network. At the attribute level, strong correlations between the agendas of blogs and media, and among the agendas of blogs that share ideological perspectives, highlight the need for deeper analysis at causation to determine whether the media or blogs set each other's agenda. This dissertation contributes to mass communication studies and political communication through its identification of political social networks as a complementary and competitive agenda setting force in the context of the US political blogosphere. These findings call for a revision of the relationship between agenda setting and the twostep flow theory towards an acknowledgement of how they work in both complementary and competitive ways to redefine the role of the press and social influence in networked political environments. These findings also highlight the significance of social network analysis as a methodology to explain how agendas are formed and framed in the emerging new media environment.

published_or_final_version / Music / Master / Master of Philosophy

The consolidation of Taiwanese identity in recent years has been accompanied by two interrelated paradoxes: a continued language shift from local Taiwanese languages to Mandarin Chinese, and the increasing subordination of the Hoklo majority culture in ethnic policy and public identity discourses. While the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) gradually relaxed its Mandarin-only policy following democratization in the late 1980s, the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) made little change to Taiwan’s language regime during its two-term presidency (2000-2008). Rejecting proposals for the co-officialization of the Hoklo majority language (generally referred to as Taiwanese), the DPP government instead vainly put forward proposals for the recognition of all of Taiwan’s languages (Mandarin, Hoklo, Hakka, as well as the languages of 12 Aboriginal groups) as equal national languages. What explains the limited success of Taiwanese language normalization and the marginalization of the Hoklo majority culture in the process of Taiwanese identity consolidation? This dissertation tries to answer this question through an analysis of the Taiwanese linguistic normalization movement, with a focus on local language education, standardization, and official recognition. This research is based on extensive fieldwork including in-depth elite interviews, analysis of legislative records and official documents, and quantitative analysis of large-N survey data. This dissertation is framed as a response to David Laitin’s work on linguistic normalization, which regards language and identity shifts as overlapping phenomena and posits that nationalist leaders have an incentive to promote a shift to local culture so as to create a cultural basis for political autonomy claims. In contrast, this dissertation argues that Taiwan’s counterintuitive ethnolinguistic outcomes are largely attributable to the ethnic structure of the party cleavage, itself based on national identity. In fact, the ethnolinguistic distribution of the electorate across cleavage categories has led parties to adopt distinctive strategies in an attempt to broaden their ethnic support bases. On the one hand, the DPP and KMT have strived to play down their respective de-Sinicization and Sinicization ideologies as well as their Hoklo and Chinese ethnocultural cores, a strategy I refer to as ethnonationalist underbidding. On the other hand, parties have competed to portray themselves as the legitimate protectors of minority interests by promoting Hakka and Aboriginal cultures, a strategy I term minority-oriented outbidding. The concomitant logics of underbidding and outbidding have discouraged parties from appealing to ethnonationalist rhetoric, prompting them to express their antagonistic ideologies of Taiwanese and Chinese nationalism through typically liberal conceptions of language rights. The fact that Taiwanese nationalism has been centred on the democratic institutions of the Republic of China rather than Taiwanese ethnocultural distinctiveness has further legitimated the continuation of Mandarin as common language. In addition to providing a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis of the Taiwanese language normalization movement, this dissertation proposes a reassessment of the relationship between national culture and identity by expounding the fundaments of a simple model of cultural regime creation based on cross-cleavage ethnolinguistic distributions, variables that are largely absent in Laitin’s work. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

University of Macau / Faculty of Arts and Humanities. / Department of English

香港在主流革命史學的敘述中一般被認為是推動辛亥革命的「搖籃」，但在革命黨人之外的社會大眾，對「革命」究竟有怎樣的取態？《香港華字日報》是這段時期香港銷量最大的華文報紙，仔細考察該報創辦的歷史及其1909-1913年的政治取態，可見該報是華商陳氏家族的一份現代產業，並無黨派認同，報紙內容與宗旨也頗具現代傳媒的新聞專業主義色彩，強調「中立」而較少傳統「文人論政」情懷。 / 本文選取1909-1913年的《香港華字日報》，剖析這五年的報紙中與「革命」相關的內容細節，認為這份報紙對「革命」並非積極推動，取態反而偏於保守，並順應時勢而調整：辛亥前報紙展現的「革命」介於傳統和現代之間，既是「犯上作亂」的傳統造反，又是謀求民族獨立、政治改良的現代革命；而辛亥之後，報紙不滿意革命黨建立的地方政府，轉而支持中央而強烈反對革命黨的「二次革命」。這樣的取態既反映了部份以往未得到充分審視的社會輿論，也與報紙自身的立場及處境有關。 / Hong Kong is understood as the "birthplace" of the 1911 Revolution in mainstream studies of the Chinese Revolution. But besides the revolutionaries, how did ordinary people understand "revolution"? Wah Tsz Yat Po was the most widely circulated Chinese language newspaper in Hong Kong during the period concerned. The thesis is an in-depth study of the newspaper’s founding history and its political stance during 1909-1913. It is found that the newspaper was a modernised property owned by the Chan family in Hong Kong. It did not have political affiliations. Its content and objectives showed the newspaper’s emphasis on journalistic professionalism that was similar to that held by modern day mass media, preferring "neutrality" over the tradition of providing political comments. / The thesis closely examines the content of Wah Tsz Yat Po that was related to revolution during 1909-1913. It proposes that the newspaper did not play an active role in promoting revolution. Its stance was rather conservative instead and changed in accordance with political developments. Before the revolution of 1911, the newspaper regarded "revolution" as something between tradition and modernity. It was understood as a "rebellion against the authorities" in the traditional sense and also as a way to attain national independence and political reform in the modern sense. After 1911, the newspaper was against the local government set up by the revolutionists. It then turned its support to Yuan’s central government and took a strong oppositional stance towards "the Second Revolution" initiated by Sun’s revolutionary party. Its stance not only reflected some of the public opinions that were not fully examined but was also related to the newspaper’s own position and situation as well. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 典典. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 98-107). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Dian Dian.

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The dissertation identifies a body of public policies described as "politically intractable." These are policies which are of clear public benefit, but which involve high political costs to those who enact them. It is suggested that there are two routes to political tractability in the passage of these policies. The "low-risk" strategy entails insulating policy-makers from pressures applied by alienated vested interests. The "high-risk" strategy arises where actors responsible for passing intractable policies risk alienating vested interests if enacting the policy assists them to realize higher-order objectives. These higher-order objectives involve games of institutional design--attempts to reform or preserve (in the face of threat) the institutional structure of the state. The dissertation examines a subset of politically intractable policies called watershed trade policies. Watersheds are instances of substantial trade liberalization which reverse a long-standing tradition of protectionism. The dissertation explains the passage of three watersheds: Britain's repeal of the Corn Laws, the US Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, and Canada's Free Trade Implementation Act, in the context of the high-risk strategy. In these cases, trade liberalization is explained as a by-product of games of institutional design undertaken by political entrepreneurs within the state.