This thesis has presented the organizational factors that made “Nueva Canción” so influential for socio-political movement in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay as well as the role that this genre of popular music played as a coalescing force for these social movements. This genre of music allowed a level of communication between artists and working classes as well as peasants that could not have been achieved through political literature, since most of them were illiterate. “Nueva Canción” also permitted an emotional connection to social causes for the listeners and among the artists. Through social networks created between musicians and resources that were facilitated through government (Salvador Allende’s Government in Chile), “Nueva Canción” affected influenced social movements and political structures. After military dictatorships came to power, their organization had to adapt because of government censorship and persecution. Through their continued musical efforts while in exile, “Nueva Canción” artists maintained social causes and the lack of democracy in the international limelight. / Literary review : social movements in Latin America -- Popular culture and politics -- Theory -- Case study : "e;Nueva Cancion"e; in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay -- Content analysis : songs of outrage and humanity. / Department of Political Science

This thesis examines how humanitarian assistance and political aspects interact in complex humanitarian emergencies (CHEs) in both negative and positive ways, how to minimize negative outcomes, and how humanitarian assistance can contribute to conflict resolution. Although humanitarian assistance has long been considered to be separate from politics, the division between the two has posed serious difficulties for humanitarian aid agencies responding to disasters and even has resulted in negative impacts on political and humanitarian aspects. In order to confront CHEs today, humanitarians need to collaborate conceptually and practically with political actors, while political actors need to be sensitive to humanitarian needs. A priority is considered the minimalist position, aiming at "doing no harm." Under the right circumstances, the maximalist approach can be viewed as an opportunity for maximizing the effects of humanitarian efforts to alleviate people's suffering and contributing to conflict resolution by employing humanitarian assistance as a powerful instrument.

The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

Bibliography: pages 232-240. / This dissertation argues that abstract art is not ideologically neutral. In spite of many artists' anti-fascist stance early in their careers, the mantle of neutrality was assumed as a reaction to the protracted struggle between the two major ideologies confronting artists living in Europe and the United States of America in the period 1933-1953, namely capitalism and communism. These ideologies were not peripheral to artists lives, but were actively debated by both artists and intellectuals and resulted in the establishment of powerful cultural organisations. The ensuing growth in prestige and influence of left-wing artist's organisations was countered by a campaign which included direct suppression of left-wing artists as well as a form of ideological control. This control was vested in what has been called the specifics of patronage and is reflected in the establishment of the Arts Council in Britain and the private art museums in the United States. Changes in the art market have meant that, together with dealers and critics, these institutions wielded almost complete economic control over artists. The prevailing ideology of liberal humanism, which glorified individualism and defined democracy as a middle ground between the left and the right, favoured the development of a seemingly apolitical abstract art style. Analysis of the demise of the Artists International Association and the American Artist's Congress supports the conclusion that the figurative tradition lost prestige as a result of the stigma attached to Socialist Realism and the idealised realism demanded by National Socialism in Germany. Account is also taken of the attempt by well-positioned and influential commentators to identify all forms of realism with totalitarianism. It is not surprising therefore, that it was commonly believed that to paint in an abstract modern style was to strike a blow against fascism. In the same way that realism was identified with the regimentation of Soviet society, the avant-gardes' abstract experiments came to symbolize democracy. Drawing on the texts of writers, critics, artists and theorists, this dissertation shows that the force of the identification of progressive realism with totalitarianism, prepared the way for acceptance of the idea that freedom of expression epitomised freedom in general. In this way, anti-Stalinism and the post-war liberal philosophy of individual freedom, coupled with a search for 'essences' and the 'universal', directed artists inward to the medium of art as relevant subject-matter. This dissertation argues that this identification was ideologically motivated in respect to the balance of social and political power in America.

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Democratic theorists delineate several requirements for mass publics in democratic societies. These include holding policy preferences, deliberating over competing viewpoints, and making informed choices. This dissertation contributes to debates about the public’s performance in each of these areas. In the first chapter, I argue that a statistical method that has been used to characterize the public’s ideological consistency has produced misleading results. In the second, I demonstrate that two aspects of Americans’ social networks differ in their relationships to important political attitudes necessary for productive deliberation. In the third, I show that Americans with politically diverse social networks trust more of the content they encounter on social media but are no more likely to discern truth from falsehood or respond to accuracy nudging interventions. In total, this dissertation employs analytical, observational, and experimental research methods to address questions that concern old and new threats to mass democratic behavior in the United States.

My research focuses on the role of historical legacies in shaping conflict dynamics and reinforcing social divisions today. I highlight the importance of equity in creating effective long-term governance and resilient institutions. Using the Philippines southern region of Mindanao as a case study, the three papers in my dissertation come together to provide evidence that the robust relationship between ethnic homogeneity and institutional development may not hold consistently over elongated time frames. I argue that while homogeneous communities are often quicker to organize through informal norms, the slower process of channeling regulations through structured, fixed institutions may sacrifice short term efficiency in favor of long-term durability. Viewing fractionalization as a process, I argue that this institutional trajectory will only unfold when examined through a historical lens and if fractionalization occurs in ways that incentivize collaboration instead of competition between groups. My first paper highlights the importance of a mutual investment in exchange across groups for setting communities on a path towards resiliency to communal conflicts. I argue that communities with histories of religious and ethnolinguistic diversity, alongside intergroup exchange, are more likely to invest in formal processes to resolve disputes, which in time leads to more robust institutions to mediate conflict between groups. I use 1939 census data on local dialects to show that contemporary Peace Zones are more likely to form in areas where members of the majority group invested in learning minority languages historically. The second paper provides evidence that the process of fractionalization, rather than just fractionalization itself, will carry long term consequences for institutional development. I argue that increased ethnic fractionalization during times of low conflict can break down political dynasties, which strengthens long term government responsiveness. Using census and administrative data, I show that where municipalities had higher levels of fractionalization prior to the mass migration and discriminatory laws initiated by US colonial authorities there are higher ratings of local government efficiency today. However, sharper demographic changes during the period of mass migration are associated with decreases in contemporary local government efficiency. The third paper uses original survey data collected on the management of land conflicts to explore where and why some local courts show more bias against minority groups. Survey results show that local government officials are more likely to expect community courts to rule in favor of minority groups in communities that fractionalized prior to mass migration. However, sharper demographic changes during mass migration are associated with a decreased expectation that a member of a minority group will accept the ruling of a local court. I provide evidence that historical institutional arrangements are generating path dependencies by showing that historical fractionalization prior to mass migration is associated with the development of fixed institutions to resolve conflict across multiple time periods historically and today. These papers provide theory and evidence of enhanced institutional resilience and an ability to adapt to new challenges or opportunities in communities with histories of intergroup cooperation. While fractionalization may initially weaken coordination, the institutional arrangements designed to overcome this new barrier can promote long term durability and strengthen a community's ability to effectively manage future conflicts.

published_or_final_version / Urban Planning and Environmental Management / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

M.A. / The use of the Internet and New Media is becoming increasingly relevant for 21st century politics, not only as a means of political campaigning but also as a platform used by the public to engage in political discussion, debate and opinion formation. As the field of study is relatively new, there has been much argument regarding the opportunities that New Media, such as the Social Media network Facebook, holds for political use. However, not enough research has been done to scrutinise the outcomes of truly utilising the platform. Furthermore, not enough research concerning the use of Social Media in the South African political sphere has been done. Thus, this study concentrates on how the public and the political parties are using Facebook. The research questions examine the nature of (a) political party (ANC and DA) and (b) public participation on the respective Facebook sites. It also enquires as to what benefits and challenges Social Media such as Facebook offer to political parties in South Africa. The study relies on a qualitative methodological orientation. Firstly, content analysis by means of thematic analysis was applied to all posts present on the Facebook pages of the ANC and the DA during the timeframe of 14-21 June 2010. The overall themes were World Cup 2010 and Youth Day, and their emergent sub-themes were explored in this context. Secondly, in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives from each political party who dealt with the Social Media output and monitoring of the party. It would appear that political parties are not capitalising on the full range of Social Media offerings and not promoting two-way communication. Instead they are merely using it as a monitoring tool or as a way to disseminate information. However, the research shows that the members of the public are utilising the Facebook site(s) to engage in discussion of a political nature as well as using the platform to connect with and reach individuals in new ways.

In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.