Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008- Daniel Coelho de Oliveira.pdf: 704528 bytes, checksum: 0a1ecd13ab78f5e04d686b1cc9e73066 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-04-25 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / The discussion about poverty and social inequalities is significantly relevant in a country with extreme disparities as Brazil. For this reason, the purpose of this work is understand the perception that the agribusiness elite of Una? (MG) has about the social inequality and poverty processes in the city. At the first moment, social and economic indicators are used to justify the option for the research in this environment. After that, some questions related with the subjects poverty and inequality will be deepened from a qualitative research with actors of the agrobusiness. Among the considerations that the work presents, it is observed first that the agribusiness elite in Una? is awared about the impacts of the growth of the sector in the economic development of this city, but believes that social aspects possess secondary importance in the process. In second, part of the social problems in the city nowadays is related with structural transformations that occurred in the local agribusiness, being the State pointed as the major responsible to solve them. At the third moment, is noticed that the public politics: of social assistance as "Bolsa Fam?lia" and Agrarian Reform, are seeing as inefficient, but they play a role to mitigate the perverse effects of agricultural mechanization. Finally, it is observed that the agroindustrialization in Una? is pointed as a future way to the economic development of the city and as a solution for the social problems. / O debate sobre pobreza e desigualdades sociais ? significativamente relevante em um pa?s com extremas disparidades como o Brasil. Por este motivo, o presente trabalho objetiva compreender a percep??o que a elite do agroneg?cio em Una? (MG) tem dos processos de desigualdade social e pobreza no munic?pio. No primeiro momento, indicadores sociais e econ?micos s?o utilizados para justificar a op??o pela pesquisa neste espa?o. Em seguida, ser?o aprofundadas algumas quest?es relacionadas com os temas pobreza e desigualdade a partir de uma pesquisa qualitativa com atores do agroneg?cio. Entre as considera??es que o trabalho apresenta, observa-se primeiramente que a elite do agroneg?cio em Una? ? ciente dos impactos do crescimento do setor no desenvolvimento econ?mico do munic?pio, mas acredita que aspectos sociais possuem import?ncia secund?ria no processo. Em segundo, parte dos problemas sociais do munic?pio atualmente se relaciona com transforma??es estruturais que ocorreram no agroneg?cio local, sendo o Estado apontado como o principal respons?vel em resolv?-los. No terceiro momento, nota-se que as pol?ticas p?blicas: de assist?ncia social como o Bolsa Fam?lia e de Reforma Agr?ria, s?o vistas como ineficientes, mas desempenham um papel de mitigar os efeitos perversos da mecaniza??o agr?cola. Por ?ltimo, observa-se que a agroindustrializa??o de Una? ? apontada como uma via futura para o desenvolvimento econ?mico do munic?pio e solu??o para os problemas sociais.

Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.