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Oliver Cromwell and the Print Culture of the InterregnumWoodford, Benjamin 19 September 2007 (has links)
When the second Protectoral Parliament offered the crown to Oliver Cromwell, he, despite his conservative impulses, rejected it. Why would a man who believed in the ancient constitution and hoped to stabilize the British Isles turn down a traditional title that had the potential to unify the nation? The answer partly lies within the numerous political tracts that were printed in the 1650s. The kingship crisis sparked the creation of many pamphlets and petitions that sought to sway Cromwell one way or the other. Three prominent groups that wrote regarding the possibility of King Oliver I were monarchists, sects, and republicans. Monarchists sought to illustrate the advantages of kingship, the sects wrote of the consequences of kingly rule, and the republicans were divided on the question. An analysis of the language and arguments in both the pamphlets addressed to Cromwell and Cromwell’s own speeches reveals that the sects were the most influential group that wrote to Cromwell. At times, sectarian criticisms of the Protectorate were able to elicit responses in Cromwell’s speeches, a feat accomplished by neither monarchists nor republicans. Employing providential language, the sects were able to convince Cromwell that God had judged against the office of king and that any attempt to reestablish such a government would result in eternal damnation. Cromwell’s own religious convictions rendered him susceptible to reasoning of this sort. Once he was aware of the sects’ arguments, Cromwell believed that he had no choice but to refuse the crown. / Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-11 20:00:16.445
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Právní formy perzekuce občanů Protektorátu v letech 1939-1945 ve srovnání s okupovaným Nizozemskem / Legal Forms of persecution of citizens in the Protectorate 1939-1945 in comparison with the occupied NetherlandsMamrilla, Filip January 2016 (has links)
Legal Forms of persecution of citizens in the Protectorate 1939-1945 in comparison with the occupied Netherlands In 1939, Czechoslovakia was destroyed by Nazi Germany without a single shot. Less than a year later, the Netherlands was conquered by the German army in the course of Blitzkrieg in the West. Both countries remained under occupation for almost six years, while their citizens faced an unprecedented persecution. Since these countries share a lot of commonalities, concerning size of their territory, wartime development and the form of occupation, they proved to be an ideal example to provide the comparison of the Nazi occupation regime in Western and Eastern Europe. Bohemia and Moravia joined the Reich as a protectorate, an institute of international public law that was very rare in the European context. Kingdom of Netherlands was transformed into so-called Reichskommisariat, a provisional arrangement that was supposed mainly to maintain public order in order to secure the industrial production. In the first place, this thesis trying to describe the distinction that the Nazis were making between occupied territories in the West and in the East in terms of ideology, because it greatly affected their approach to these countries and the intensity of the repression. The Netherlands was perceived by Nazi...
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The country-city "alliance" of cromwelliar England, 1658-1660Farthing, Gilbert January 1962 (has links)
This thesis originated in an attempt to explain the Restoration of Charles II. If the Puritan Revolution had been, as it was portrayed in school history lessons, a successful revolt of "the people" against a tyrant, why was the tyrant's libidinous son joyfully welcomed less than twenty years after the revolt?
From reading the two major works of the past century which had specifically dealt with this period — Guizot and Davies — it emerged that "the people" had very little to do with the Revolution, and still less with the Restoration. Guizot's emphasis on the part played by General Monk obviously arose from the author's tendency to narrate events rather than probe for causes. Davies, completing the long series of works begun by Gardiner and continued by Firth, was also largely concerned with narration. From his work, however, it became reasonably clear that the strings which controlled Monk's actions were pulled by a comparatively small group of men. Interestingly, almost all these men (as Monk himself realised) had at one time or another been bitterly opposed to the regime of Charles I. Most had participated in the Civil War on Parliament's side, and one at least had signed the warrant for Charles’s execution.
Further reading confirmed the idea that the engineers of the Restoration were a small elite. They appeared to include three interwoven but reasonably distinct groups: country landowners, City financiers and merchants, and a group of professional men (mostly lawyers) who functioned as a kind of link. Subsequent research was directed to the task of identifying these groups, examining their procedures, and seeking to explain their actions and aims, with particular reference to the years 1658-1660. The materials used were necessarily confined to printed books, and (on account of cost) largely to those sources available in the Library at the University of British Columbia. Within those limits the investigation has been as thorough as possible.
The plan of the thesis is in part chronological, but the main emphasis is on more general factors. The Table of Contents (on page iv) gives a reasonably clear picture of the line followed. Since the investigation was concerned largely with the aims and procedures of the elite, there are few conclusions in the syllogistic or allegedly scientific sense. One general conclusion is that aims were primarily based on the supposition that the status of an elite depends on an ostentatious display of material wealth, and hence on great differences in material possessions. This, more than intrinsic unkindness or stupidity, made it necessary to ensure that the lower classes were kept ignorant and poor; and the procedures of the elite were therefore directed mainly to this end. Another general conclusion is that these procedures were eminently successful. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate
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Britain's final decade in South Arabia : Aden, the Federation and the struggle against Arab nationalism /Allgood, John William, January 1999 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 358-366). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.
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Tendenční beletrie z období Protektorátu Čechy a Morava / Propaganda fiction of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia periodKolezsar, Michal January 2011 (has links)
The thesis deals with Czech activist fiction of anti-Semitic and openly pro-Nazi stance in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia between 1942 and 1945. This type of fiction has yet been widely ignored in the Czech (or Czechoslovak) scientific literature in spite of the fact that it belonged to the so-called "Popular Literature" at that time and therefore could have some (and maybe significant) impact on Czech readership. For that reason one of the main objectives of this paper is to identify and describe particular pieces. The identification and description is based primarily on the original material research of archival documents, newspapers and publications. On the basis of theoretical disputes and reviews in the official Protectorate press it also attempts to define officially demanded fundamental characteristics of the so-called "New Art" (or "The Art of the New Europe"). In another perspective (concerning themes and motives) it aims to distinguish specific categories in the tendentious literature of this period. It is argued that the basic types were: 1) Novels with the strong anti-Semitic accent (emphasis is laid upon a typification of characters); 2) Labour-novels; and 3) "Geopolitical" novels in which the fictional world of the "New Europe" is created.
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Kenya from Mau Mau to independenceFarquhar, Michael Ernest January 1965 (has links)
The outbreak of Mau Mau hostilities in Kenya was the culmination of a series of grievances which had developed among the more politically conscious Africans. The lack of political opportunities and the inability to promote economic and social integration fomented frustration and antagonism among these Africans. Yet, the violence and the imposition of the Emergency restrictions failed to disrupt the country's political, economic, and social development of the post-World War Two period.
The struggle between the Colonial Office, the European settler, and the African nationalist in the nineteen-fifties, won political concessions for the Africans, divided the European political movement, and created a dilemma for the Colonial Office, particularly following the independence of Ghana. Throughout the Emergency it was apparent that the Colonial Office had seriously underestimated the rapid growth and strength of the nationalist movement in East Africa. By 1959, constitutional advancement in Tanganyika foretold a change in British policy in Kenya. As a consequence, African nationalism triumphed and the European hope for a 'white man's country' was dashed forever.
While the political evolution of the African continued, Kenya enjoyed its greatest economic development during the nineteen-fifties. Social institutions also experienced a similar period of expansion. By the nineteen-sixties, owing to adverse weather conditions, poor world markets, and a loss of investment capital arising out of the growth of African nationalism, the country's economy collapsed. At the same time, the political disruption of the early nineteen-sixties brought a sharp rise in unemployment, and a shortage of educators and medical practitioners, which hampered the transition of the African from his traditional society to the modern world.
With independence came some economic recovery, but continued recovery will be dependent on the maintenance of political stability and national unity. For Kenya's leaders the need to create a new unifying force to replace the old nationalism, built on a common anti-white hostility, is their most urgent task. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate
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The British Administration of the Ionian Islands: 1815-1831Bhamjee, David January 1996 (has links)
Note:
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Nástup Červenobílých a Vlajka v letech 1939-1940 / Nástup červenobílých a Vlajka in the period from 1939 to 1940Otcovská, Karolina January 2014 (has links)
This diploma thesis focuses on two periodicals that were published simultaneously during 1939-1940, i.e. in the initial period of the so-called Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Both periodicals presented themselves as press platforms of the sympathizers of fascist groups. One of the periodicals related to the pre-war fascist group Červenobílí and the other referred to a fascist movement called Vlajka. Despite seemingly similar orientations, the magazines got themselves into a dispute that resulted in an extensive press campaign. The aim of my thesis is the detailed analysis of this campaign. Most of the people concentrated around Nástup Červenobílých magazine were active in the committee of Národní souručenství (the only legal Czech political organization of that time), or in its satellite institutions. Nástup Červenobílých thus acted loyally towards Národní souručenství and was financed by its leading officials. Vlajka magazine, on the contrary, was against Národní souručenství from the beginning, which was reflected in the attacks on Nástup Červenobílých. The press campaign was led on the level of personal insults and the main protagonists were Zdeněk Zástěra, publisher of Nástup Červenobílých, and Jan Rys with Josef Burda on the other side, both Vlajka officials. Both magazines used various...
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Právní formy perzekuce občanů Protektorátu v letech 1939 - 1945 / Legal forms of persecution of citizens of Protectorate in 1939 - 1945Tauš, Jan January 2015 (has links)
Das in der Diplomarbeit behandelte Thema sowohl unsere nicht längst vergangene Historie sind nicht nur wegen aktueller politischen Situation zu erinnern. Das heutige tschechische Rechtsordnung und Demokratie hält man nämlich für eine Selbstverständlichkeit. Die Diplomarbeit besteht aus dem die Verwaltungs- und Verfassungsrahmen einleitenden Allgemeinteil, dann folgt eine Beschreibung von den konkreten Aspekten der nazistischen Okkupation. Meinem Erachten nach sind einige Aspekte oder Themen viel konkreter zu beschreiben, vor allem die Judenverfolgung, Reinhard Heydrich und Gestapo. Einer der Hauptbeiträgen dieser Diplomarbeit stellt die sich einem bestimmten Region widmende Kapitole dar. Zuerst muss erwähnt werden, dass die staatliche Form "Protektorat" überhaupt nicht dem Wesen der Regierung auf dem seitens Deutschen Reiches im Jahre 1939 gewonnenen Gebiet entspricht. Diese staatliche Form diente nämlich nicht nur einer absoluten wirtschaftlichen Ausnutzung von ökonomischen und menschlichen Ressourcen, sondern auch einer Verfolgung der Menschen wegen ihrer Rasse, politischen Meinung usw. Die Staatsbürger wurden einer neuen Ordnung unterworfen, überall zu finden waren Angst, Hinrichtungen, Drohungen. Abgesehen davon sank bedeutsam das Lebensniveau, wobei die Leute aus der heutigen Sicht unglaublich...
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Pojetí Žida v českém filmu v období druhé republiky a protektorátu / Conception of Jew in the Czech film during the Second Republic and the ProtectorateGregorová, Vanda January 2016 (has links)
The thesis "Conception of Jew in the Czech film during the Second Republic and the Protectorate" deals with ways of displaying characters of Jewish figures in the film in the period. It deals with Czech films made between the years 1939-1945, which appears Jewish character, then their analysis and evaluation of whether the film antisemitic sting occurred or not. The work focuses primarily on Czech film production, but also mentions characteristically related films made in Nazi Germany. The work uses for its purposes also newspapers of the mentioned period and compile the available literature. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
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